Military units and their signs: "Spear", a tactical combat unit. See what "spear" is in other dictionaries

Max Nechitailov aka Unfinished_Scald goes on to describe the armies of the English Civil Wars. If in the previous article it was about the form of these armies, then this one talks about their weapons. This information will be of interest to both wargamers and those who are simply interested in military history.

Armies of the English Civil Wars (1642-1649). Armament.

With the outbreak of hostilities in 1642, it became clear that there were not enough weapons in the country to supply all those who decided to fight for the king. Stocks in the warehouses of the militia, as well as private collections, were not enough for an army of many thousands (and what was, was mostly in a miserable form). As a result, at Edgehill (October 23), some of the soldiers of Charles I held in their hands slightly converted peasant tools or just a strong stick. Since in those days it was common for nobles and gentlemen to own collections of weapons, quite a few royalists donned the armor and weapons of the War of the Scarlet and White Roses, Flodden, at best, the Spanish Armada era. As for the troops of Parliament, they initially had at their disposal the huge armory of the Tower of London and the arsenals of Hull. Taking into account the massive purchases of weapons abroad, their armies were outwardly more in line with the requirements of the time.

Infantry
The main weapon of the English soldier during the Civil Wars was a matchlock musket (effective at a distance of about 100 m) or a long lance. Soldiers with flintlock muskets ( firelocks) constituted separate companies and were intended to guard the artillery convoy (1-2 companies per army for this purpose), “to avoid the danger that a ember from a wick can pose,” as well as for guard duty - in April 1660, Monk ordered 4 companies of his regiment, stationed in the Tower, to change matchlock muskets to flintlocks. Some of the soldiers of several royalist regiments (Percy and Proger, for example) also received flintlock muskets - 60 of them were issued on February 13, 1645 to Sir Henry Baird's regiment. Parliamentarians followed their example: three companies of the Essex regiment, a company in Lord Peterborough's regiment in 1642, in November 1643 Edward Harley's regiment was given 800 muskets, 150 of them with a flintlock. Fairfax found the flintlock so useful that in 1647 he proposed disbanding his Life Guards and raising instead a whole flintlock musket regiment, and the Life Guards of Prince Rupert and his brother Moritz were also armed with such weapons in the First Civil War.
The wick lock was more reliable for combat use, but had a number of disadvantages: the need to constantly move the burning wick (1 inch burned out in about 6 minutes), a large amount of priming powder (Turner - “a musket requires half the weight of its bullet in priming powder and two-thirds of ordinary powder , that is, one pound of seed gunpowder for two pounds of lead, and two pounds of ordinary gunpowder for three pounds of lead”), the impossibility of long aiming and complete dependence on bad weather. Finally, the huge cost of the wick in battle or during the siege: in Lima, 1,500 soldiers spent "every day and night almost 1/4 of a large barrel (weighing 5 centners) of the wick" (1644), and in Stafford the infantry of the garrison for the same reason they even issued 5 flintlock muskets for every 20 soldiers. Once, the wick had to be urgently prepared before the Battle of Roundway Down from the ropes collected from all the beds of Devizes! In addition, the unmasking fire and fuse smoke at night betrayed the approach of troops, and for this reason "many secret enterprises failed", notes Sir James Turner. During night assaults on fortifications, as a result, soldiers with flintlock muskets were often used.
The war in Ireland, with its ambushes, sieges and skirmishes, contributed to the spread of the flintlock, which made it possible to approach the enemy undetected. At the beginning of 1642, every fifth company of infantry destined for Ireland had to have flintlock muskets, and the Lord Steward's regiment consisted of 400 soldiers with flintlock muskets and 1,500 with ordinary matchlocks and pikes. In addition, two more companies with flintlocks, captains Sandford and Langley, were already in Ireland (both companies then sailed to Britain and fought on the side of the king in Cheshire). The royalist Highlanders of the Marquis of Montrose (for example, the MacDonnels at Tippermoor on September 1, 1644) and part of the English militias were armed with yew longbows (moreover, the Highlanders surprisingly often combined a bow with a musket!), Which the English army used as early as 1627. Essex County in November 1643 it was planned to create a company of archers, and in Hereford a year earlier a company of archers and pikemen was actually formed. In addition to occasional use in military operations, bows were used to deliver messages to besieged cities, and flaming arrows fired from both a bow and a musket were used to set them on fire.
The equipment of the musketeers, the bulk of the foot soldiers of the Civil Wars, according to the "Instructions for the collection" of 1638, was, except for the ramrod musket (the barrel length of the weapon was 4 feet and the caliber of 12 bullets per pound corresponded to the recommendations of Kelly in 1627 and the decree of Charles I of 1632 .), "bipod, bandelier, helmet, good sword, belt and hooks [a kind of sword]". (Although the militia were required to wear a helmet, few musketeers wore one in the war, and then at the beginning of it; however, cavalry helmets are shown in one image of the royal musketeers in 1643.) The usual length of the barrel of a musket was 4.5 feet (1.4 m) , while the lighter "kulevrina" (synonym for the early arquebus) had a 1.1 m barrel. Attempts were also made to standardize, as in 1630 (122 cm barrel) and in 1639 (1.1 m barrel, weight weapons 4.6-5 kg) - a long musket is "better, because it shoots further" (Turner). But it was in the last year that the Military Council ordered 5,000 muskets with barrels of 1.4 m and a weight of 6.4 kg, plus twice as many copies weighing 5.4 kg (and with a barrel length of 1.1 m). The king in 1643 ordered that "the muskets should all be of the same caliber, the pikes - (one) length", but even this requirement only applied to future deliveries of new weapons.
Butt or old type, curved, or more modern straight, which was applied to the right shoulder. For a shot, a musket was placed on a bipod made of ash or other durable wood, with an iron tip and a kind of fork ( U-shaped) at the other end. Its cost in 1632 was 10 pence (a musket then cost 15.5 shillings). Although in 1639 it was issued from warehouses to the militia for the Scottish campaign, ten years later Lieutenant Colonel Richard Elton noted that "our coasters are of little or no use during the skirmish." This was due primarily to the spread of the lightweight musket (1640), with a barrel length of only 3.5 feet. He did not need a bipod, why from 1643 it gradually disappears from the English armies. No document mentions a musket stand in the Oxford Army. Its final cancellation was prevented by the fact that during the years of the Civil Wars, a large number of old-fashioned and obsolete muskets were brought to the continent from the continent, which could not be fired without a stand. And the quality of such weapons left much to be desired. The king's captain, John Strachan, complained in March 1644: "Muskets, there are about 1000 of them here. I'm sure they are 3 or 4 different calibers, some are pistol calibers, others are carbine calibers, others are small hunting rifles, and all old rubbish ...".
The history of the First Civil War mentions several times the successful actions of "snipers", excellent shooters armed with rifled "hunting guns", the purpose of which was to hunt for enemy commanders and gun crews. Apparently, for this purpose, in 1652, 500 hunting rifles (barrel 1.5 m long) were ordered for a campaign in Scotland, and Monk even suggested including six people with such rifles in each company in order to act on the flanks and shoot enemy officers . Wheel and even rifled muskets could also be used by officers.
The New Model Army in 1645 purchased 4-foot-long muskets (5150 pieces), mostly with matchlocks (16250 muskets, costing an average of 10 shillings). But the New Model was also armed with flintlock guns (15 shillings 6 pennies each), and in total the army acquired over 3300 of them - to protect the wagon train, dragoons, sentries (for this purpose, in 1650, 66 wick and 6 flint muskets were released to the company of Walton's regiment) . In the Battle of the Dunes (June 14, 1658), 400 archers with flintlocks fought as part of the vanguard. “Bastard muskets” are also known - they were called so because of the non-standard caliber of the barrel.
Bandelier represented 12 (or more, within 15) powder charges (approximately three drachmas) in leather, pewter or wooden tubes. The tubes were fastened (together with a bullet bag, a wire for cleaning the ignition hole, often with a carnival, one or two powder flasks - one kept better gunpowder for the musket shelf, and the second in reserve if the charges in the tubes ran out) on a leather strap over the shoulder . On the march in a strong wind, these pipes pounded so that they gave out the approach of a unit from afar and even drowned out orders! Moreover, on occasion, they even ignited, causing damage to the carrier. Two or three yards of the wick was wrapped around the belt. The regiment of the Earl of Northampton in November 1642 received a full bandelier for each soldier - 41 kg of gunpowder and 82 kg of bullets for 180 people; also in each company bags of gunpowder (up to 100 charges each). Instead of bandeliers, royalists in the Oxford army often found cheap leather "powder bags" where paper cartridges were stored. Such cartridge bags with a powder flask were hung from the belt. The Earl of Orrery also recommended chest pouches made of pewter (instead of wood, which could get caught in the rain) for ready cartridges, and worn either over or under the uniform. Monk advised, if the bandelier was unavailable, to have 12 rounds in the right pocket, and a dozen bullets in the other pockets. But Davies decried the British way of carrying ammunition in their pockets, along the way offering waterproof wick tubes invented by Moritz of Orange. Turner contributed by mentioning the waterproof cartridge pouches used in Germany. On the march, the lock of the musket was wrapped with cloth.
Among the 25,200 sets ordered for the New Model in 1645-1646 are listed 4,000 bandeliers with charging tubes of "a strong double plate, a cap of the same material, a cord of twine and good straps" (January 1646). These cost 20 pence each (in 1629 the cost of a bandelier was 2 shillings 6 pence). Finally, in April, it was ordered to make first 2000, and then at least 4000 more bandeliers, with charge tubes made of wood, not drilled, with wooden caps, and the tubes were always “painted blue (color), with blue-white ropes, with strong, stitched and good belts. Examples of such blue bandeliers are kept in a number of arms collections in England. In April 1649, the state paid for "1,000 oil-painted bandelier necklaces" and another 1,000 black-painted bandeliers, but it is not known to whom they were issued.
Lord Goring was accused of using poisoned bullets or "chewed bullets rolled in sand" by his soldiers at the siege of Colchester (1648), and other royalist generals allegedly used "roughly cast, irregularly shaped bullets." If necessary, they could even shoot stones.
In small infantry packs ( snapsacks), shoulder bags, put spare clothes and shoes, food (usually for 3-5 days) and everything that the soldier could loot on his way. Turner advises provisions in this composition: “daily two pounds of bread, a pound of meat, or instead a pound of cheese, a bottle of wine, or two bottles of beer instead. It's enough…". Each soldier of the Scottish army in 1644 carried oatmeal in his knapsack for 10 days (and another 10 days in the wagon train). The New Model Army in December 1645 ordered 6,000 pieces, "wide and of good leather", at 8 shillings a dozen. Perhaps there were also canvas satchels. There is no indication of the issuance of flasks to the soldiers - the main reason for the failure in the West Indies in 1655, when the soldiers of General Venables were dying of thirst, demanding to be supplied with "leather flasks" or "jugs". However, beer and cider were usually sold in "pots" or "bottles", and it is quite possible that other kinds of items were used in the campaign to contain the liquid, but at the expense of the soldier himself.
A sword in a sling served as a cold weapon, but when forming an army to be sent to Ireland (1642), they were issued to the cavalry and pikemen, but not to the arrows. (However, October 10, 1642. company firelocks Captain de Boys of the Essex army received, according to the staff of an ordinary infantry company, 100 muskets and 100 swords.) And Clarendon reports that at Edgehill "all the infantry, except three or four hundred, who went without weapons at all, except for a club, were armed with muskets and powder bags, and pikes; but in the whole mass there was hardly a pikeman with a breastplate or a musketeer with a sword. (By contrast, in Prince Rupert's infantry "very many were unarmed but swords" - 1644.) Turner writes: "The sword of the foot soldier, for the most part extremely crude. It is better to supply them with axes ... ". Orrery around 1660 shows that few pikemen or musketeers carry swords at all, although the New Model ordered 12,400 in 1645. In hand-to-hand combat, the musketeers still did not use a pike and, as was typical of the English, wielded butts. (To this end, they tried to arrange points or even hidden blades on the butts, but they turned out to be more dangerous for the owners than for the enemies.) Under Naseby, Fairfax's infantry "attacked them with musket butts and so broke them." At the Battle of the Dunes, the Duke of York faced English infantry "but we avoided great danger, both with the butts of our muskets and with the volley they fired".
The pike was considered in England an "honorary weapon" (Elton), worthy of a gentleman, because mankind used spears and pikes in wars "many hundreds of years before they got acquainted with the musket." Also, military theorists believed that the pike should have been armed with "the tallest, biggest and strongest people", who, moreover, "better endured the burden of their protective weapons." The pike itself, wrote George Monck and Turner, should be 18 feet (5.5 m) long, Orrery advises a 16.5-foot (5 m) pike with an ash shaft, diamond-shaped tip and 4-foot-long iron reinforcing bars (1. 2 m). Others, however, advised 15-foot (4.6 m) weapons, and Turner himself admitted that "few exceed fifteen (feet)" (and many ordinary soldiers shorten them further). The length of the pikes could vary within the same regiment. The "Instructions for Gathering" (1638) read: "The pikeman must be armed with a lance seventeen feet long, tip and all; (shaft diameter to be 1 3/4 inches, tip steel, 8 inches long, wide, strong and pointed; cheeks 2 feet long, well riveted; bottom end with iron ring) gorget, backplate, breastplate, gaiters and helmet, good sword 3 feet long, with a sharp and strong point, with a belt and hooks. By "cheeks" we mean steel strips (2-4 feet) nailed to the shaft below the tip - so as not to be chopped off with a sword in battle. Davis recommends attaching the brush at the tip and in the middle of the shaft to protect against water that will flow along the shaft during rain.
By 1642, 16-foot (4.9 m), 1.5-inch diameter lances purchased for Parliament's army had become standard. Undoubtedly, in the troops (judging by the example of the Irish campaign) they were shortened by another 1-2 feet for convenience, regardless of the control of the officers. According to some reports, for the assault on fortifications, the infantry received 6-7-foot half-peaks instead of their bulky pikes. But in 1645 (when 8800 copies were ordered), and in 1657. The New Model Army purchased pikes "of good ash and sixteen feet long with steel tips at 3s. 10d each" (sometimes as high as 4s. 2d). Shafts dyed with concentrated nitric acid were reinforced with "strong bands", 2 feet or 22 inches long. Such peaks in the contracts of the New Model are called "English" (4.9 m), and 15-foot samples (4.6 m) - "Spanish" (4 shillings each). The tip of the pike is steel, dagger-shaped (“English pikes with square tips”) or diamond-shaped (“Dutch” or “wide”, “worst in the world”, as the Anglo-Scots defeated in 1646 at Benburb complained).
From armor, Gervez Markham advised the pikemen to have a helmet (and a quilted hat under it), a double-sided cuirass “not pierced by a pike” (in the terminology of the 17th century, pikemen were often called “breastplates”), a gorget to protect the neck and legguards (to the middle of the thigh). In 1632, all this cost the soldier 1 pound 2 shillings (another 2 shillings for the service of enclosing a cuirass and red leather legguards), and another 4 shillings 6 pence cost the peak itself. In addition, a leather tunic could be worn under the cuirass. Helmet - English (with small brim) or Spanish (large crest and curved brim) morion (high semicircular helmet) or conical cabasset. The metal of the armor was sometimes covered with black, purple or red paint from rust (but the Honorary Artillery Company of London in 1638 exhibited people "fully protected in white breastplates"; curiously, the company included soldiers with small round shields tarchami- these may have been used in the personal guard of the generals). On the back of the cuirass, Markham advised to arrange a hook below the waist, where to hang your helmet on the march, to which a small iron ring was attached for this purpose.
Such equipment saved from a pistol bullet (for which the armor was checked back in the workshop), but not from a musket shot: back in 1594, it was noticed that this kind of armor was pierced from 200 steps, and ordinary armor - from 400 steps. But on the march, the infantry was still "imprisoned" in the heavy load of their, in general, useless armor. Therefore, by 1642, they began to get rid of the gorget first, and eventually from the legguards - instead of them, Monk recommended that the pikemen attach more reliable and comfortable leather belts (20 cm wide) to the uniform with hooks and put on a leather glove on the left hand. Although the New Model Army ordered 1,100 breastplates and helmets in the first year, by the time of the decisive Battle of Naseby (1645), the pikemen of some regiments could completely abandon armor, however, retaining helmets.
In subsequent years, the New Model Army abandoned the armor altogether. Cromwell's army in Flanders (6,000 soldiers in 1657) did without cuirasses, although the commander of the contingent in 1658 offered to issue 12-15 hundred helmets and breastplates to pikemen for guarding and at reviews. In 1671, Sir James Turner wrote of the English army that "their heads and bodies are bare" except for a leather tunic, and even then not always. (Turner advised returning not only classic armour, but also bracers, which even Markham rejected; an interesting argument - the way the armor does not withstand a pistol bullet, "but it inspires those who wear it.") "When we see battalions of pikemen, we see them naked everywhere, except perhaps in the Netherlands, where some, but only some, companies represent the ancient host. By 1652, the New Model Army temporarily abandoned pikes as well: "The Irish infantry agreed to strike with pikes [as the battle between pikemen was called] with our infantry, which did not have pikes, but were ready to fight back with the butts of their muskets." But after the Restoration, the peaks were returned and remained in service until 1705.
Pikeman's sword - "a good, sharp and wide sword", an iron-rimmed scabbard (Markham); “a good strong rapier, not very long, with a belt” (Monk). In fact, it was a cheap and short weapon, more suitable, according to Monk and Turner, for street fights and threatening civilians or for chopping brushwood (where up to half of the longer swords broke).
During assaults, hand grenades were sometimes used to clear buildings. So, de Gomm, describing the assault on Bristol, wrote: “And they threw 9 manual Granadoes into the product [i.e. fortifications]"; and further - "He sent forward a lieutenant from Colonel Stradling's regiment with 30 musketeers, 6 fire lances and equally numerous hand grenades." Monk advised placing grenade men on the flanks of each block of pikemen.
At the beginning of the XVII century. infantry companies consisted of musketeers and pikemen in approximately equal proportions. This did not last long. Turner comments: "But equality, for the most part, did not last long ... for very soon the Musketeers demanded two-thirds and got them, leaving only one-third to the pikemen, which for the most part they kept." Most military theorists of the 1620-1630s. insisted that each company be equally divided into pikemen and musketeers (Markham, Thomas Kelly, Bariff, etc.), and parts of the militia were still equipped in a similar spirit by the beginning of the Bishops' Wars (1639). Representation of the armament of the English militia ( Trainedbands) before the war gives an incomplete list of weapons of the Titchfield Hundred militia gathered in 1635: 18 pikemen ( Corseletts), 37 musketeers, 8 pioneers (unarmed militia) under the captain, lieutenant and 5 ensigns. In addition, another 48 were fit for service with a musket and 12 with a pike. There were at least 51 people on the list of substitutes. Finally, when in February 1637 the last full assembly of the county militia before the war took place, 54,517 musketeers and 39,081 pikemen were present. Those. for every three musketeers, there were an average of 4 pikemen. Although, of course, in some areas the ratio ranged from 1:1 (in London, for example, and in a number of Welsh counties), to 2:1 (say, Buckinghamshire) and even 5:1 (1649 musketeers and 326 pikemen of the Five Ports), and in Surrey there were generally more pikemen than skirmishers.
But the pike was still necessary for the infantry to repel cavalry attacks. The contract for arming the Scottish infantry in July 1642 speaks of a ratio of 3:2 (6,000 musketeers to 4,000 pikemen), and the same was probably the case in England. By the end of the year, however, a ratio of 2:1 was established, which became the standard for the armies of the Civil Wars, and then the New Model ("Our companies consist of 100 people, two parts are musketeers, and the third is pikemen," Elton wrote in 1650). In October, the agents of parliament were instructed to purchase from Holland and France 12,000 muskets, the same number of stands (in reality, the infantry rarely used them in war), 6,000 pikes and 6,000 full sets of armor. By the beginning of October, 2690, 3956 (!), 5580 and 2331 copies were purchased, respectively. And by the end of March 1643, 19,513 bandeliers were also purchased (more than half of them had tubes clad with tin for charges) and 21,189 swords, another 3,346 muskets and 599 sets of protective weapons for pikemen.
As a result (we take into account the stocks of the Tower and London artisans), most of the regiments of the Essex army were already well armed in the autumn of 1642, and the ratio of muskets and peak was from 1:1 to 2:1, and the latter option was finally approved in 1643 for the entire infantry Essex. Bandeliers with tin-clad charges (these were considered safer than ordinary wooden ones) were intended for Lord Brooke's regiment, but for some reason they were all transferred to the senior regiment of the army, the regiment of the Lord General (Essex). Each soldier of the army then received a sword with a belt and scabbard, and most of the pikemen were in full armor (helmet, double cuirass, gorget and legguards). Edward Harley, recruiting his regiment for Parliament in 1643, had to make up 2/3 of it from musketeers. It is also known that in September 1644, after Lostwithil, when all the Essex infantry was re-equipped, the ratio of shooters and pikemen was already 6: 1! There were no pikemen in the Life Guards of Thomas Fairfax at all, and in the London militia, two companies of the Yellow Auxiliary Regiment in September 1643 included 112 musketeers and only 20 soldiers with pikes (but the Red Regiment of London then included 1084 musketeers and 854 pikemen).
Sir Richard Bulstrode notes that under Edgehill the royal army was severely lacking in arms (despite private armouries, local stocks of militiamen and the purchase of 800 muskets, 1000 pistols and 200 swords from Holland). Some of the soldiers "did not have weapons, except for a pitchfork and similar tools", many infantrymen were only with clubs. Therefore, among the royalists, the ratio of pikes and musketeers in 1642 as 1:1 was more common. And by the beginning of the 1643 campaign, the Oxford army was experiencing a severe shortage of weapons. Even in the Life Guards (the personal regiment of the king!) Only 190 soldiers were armed, and 210 were either completely unarmed or almost with batons, Major General Sir Jacob Astley reported on February 1! Two thousand Welsh recruits of the royal army in 1643 were just equipped with clubs!
When Queen Henrietta landed at Bridlington in February 1643 with a load of weapons from Holland for 10,000 men, the situation might improve. Dutch deliveries continued later - in 1645, 6040 muskets, 2000 pairs of pistols, 1200 carbines, 150 swords, fuse and sulfur were unloaded in Falmouth in large quantities. Denmark was another source of supply - in 1643, Parliament intercepted a party sailing from there in 2977 muskets, 493 pistols, 3040 swords, 3000 helmets, 1500 lances, 3000 musket stands and 990 wick bundles. (Parliament itself also bought weapons from Holland (for example, the army of the Eastern Association in 1644), and also actively used trophies - 4500 muskets and 800 lances went to the parliamentarians on the battlefield at Marston Moor.)
Judging by the documents for the equipment issued from February to April 1643 (110 muskets and 212 lances), the ratio of musketeers and pikemen in the King's Life Guards, as in other royalist regiments of that time, often exceeded the standard 2:1 and was equal to 2: 3, possibly 1:2. Undoubtedly, this was due to the fact that pikes were relatively easy to produce locally, while muskets "were not enough." The pikes received "long pipit shafts" (15.5 feet long) with "long" four-sided tips. However, on April 30, 1644, 132 muskets with bandeliers and 68 "long lances" were issued (there were approximately 350 soldiers in the regiment then). However, all this applies to the field regiments, while the garrison units and the formations of the provincial armies depended only on local supplies, which is why the state of their equipment varied from ideal to a parody of it.
In Ireland, Owen Roy O'Neill's Ulster army of the Catholic Confederation apparently preferred a 1:1 ratio of pikemen to musketeers. The pikes were longer than the English ones, and the tips on them were also smaller than those of the British pikemen. At Benburb in 1646 the Irish defeated the Scots also because their lances were "a foot or two" longer. The Leinster Confederate army preferred a ratio of 1:2, but this was not always possible to maintain due to a shortage of muskets and at one point they probably switched to companies fully armed with polearms. The Irish in the service of Montrose at Tippermoor (1644) had neither swords nor long lances, apparently limited to muskets and half-pikes, but they still had pikemen, contrary to some authors.
English officers in the Dutch service in 1637 wore "light armor, not pierced by a pistol", helmet and pike (captain), armor and protazan (lieutenant), armor and pike (ensign). Ward in 1639 advised the ensign to wear a brigandine and a sword. In 1650, the captain was carrying a half-pike, and the lieutenant was protazan. However, it is generally accepted that every English officer was armed with a sword and a protazan (decorated with a brush), the blade of which was supposed to be gilded by the captain. Senior officers were often released from armor before the battle. Thus, Colonel Hutchinson, during the storming of Shelford House in 1645, “took off a very good set of armor that he had, which, being impenetrable from a musket, was so heavy that it heated it up, and despite the persuasion of friends, remained only in his knee." The sergeants were armed with halberds, probably about 8 feet long. kind of halberd, bill, could be issued to ordinary soldiers in the absence of other weapons - as early as 1681 it was used in the Tangier garrison.
The Scottish infantry of the Covenanters did not wear protective weapons (with the exception of the companies of halberdiers, formed in 1647 with each regiment - 72 people each, in breastplates, backs and helmets). All the soldiers had swords - either cheap Dutch (pikes were also bought there) imported, with a straight blade, of dubious quality, or with curved blades and handles in the form of a bird, of local production. Mountain broadswords were not used for the simple reason that the mountaineers themselves were armed mainly with muskets, bows, spears and dirk daggers. The ratio of musketeers (usually with Dutch muskets) and pikemen in 1644 in the regiments of the Earl Marshal and Lord Gordon was equal to the charter 2: 1, but not all units were so well equipped. So, in the regiment of Earl Tullibardine, at a review in Newark (1646), there were only 3 musketeers for every two pikemen. And the regiment of Sir William Forbes in 1639 was fully equipped with stocks of old weapons confiscated from local residents - arquebuses, muskets, rusty swords, spears without tips. Sometimes they tried to make up for the lack of pikes by arming the militia with Lochaber axes (a type of weapon popular in Scotland). The guardsmen had a sword and a half-pike (1648).
The sentries of the ordinary units and, in 1648, Sir Alexander Fraser of Philorth's small Aberdeenshire Regiment were armed with flintlock muskets. In 1650 at Dunbar, Cromwell's daylight attack found all the Scottish infantry with a fuse spent during the night waiting for battle (Major General Holburn even ordered all but two musketeers in each company to put out the fuses in order to save them). And only two regiments of Campbell's brigade of Lawers - Alexander Stewart and Sir John Haldane of Gleneggis, fully equipped with flintlocks, were able to repulse him. Ammunition was carried in a bandelier - usually with a dozen (hence its nickname - "Twelve Apostles"), sometimes with 14 (or perhaps even 16) charges on a belt. In 1640, Robert Monroe's regiment received bandeliers with 8, 9, 10 and 11 charges - the others were probably lost, since only two or three soldiers got hold of "full bandeliers". Musket stands are not mentioned in the documents, and "pig feathers" (a type of slingshot) were used as a barrier against cavalry. Among the British, these "feathers", also referred to as "Swedish" (a stake 1.5 or 1.8 m long with a tip from a pike at each end) were stuck like a palisade or used as a short pike. Despite the recommendations of Monk and Turner, this weapon never became popular in the army.
In the Scottish sources, we find a surprisingly complete list of items of soldier's field life. Dinner pots, pans and wooden riveted buckets, "caps" (cups for porridge), plates and spoons. Most of this was transported on pack animals, which, before the rest, was partly carried in a rug (the highlanders were accused of concealing their prey in this way), sometimes in a canvas or leather satchel. On the other hand, in the English armies of this time there is practically no evidence of the purchase of kitchen utensils or even tents. Some sources report one large table pot per company.

Cavalry
5239 horsemen came to the collection of the militia cavalry in 1637 (whereas there were 93718 infantry!). These were light horsemen (787), spearmen (327), cuirassiers (1251), arquebusiers (1270) or carabiniers (30) and dragoons (86). Although arquebusiers (they were considered light cavalry) made up only 1/4 of the militias, they became the main type of cavalryman of the Civil War and the New Model Army. In 1629, their equipment included a breastplate for 9 shillings, a backplate for 7 shillings, a gorget for 3 shillings, and a helmet (with cheek pads and a visor from one lattice) for 11 shillings. A pair of flintlock pistols cost £2-3, a flintlock arquebus £1 16s (with belt and other equipment), a carbine £1.
In 1644, an officer of Parliament, John Vernon, described the armament of the arquebusier: “His defensive weapon is only an open helmet or helmet, a backrest and a breastplate with a leather tunic under his weapon; his offensive weapons are a good arquebus [or] a carbine hanging on his right side on a swivel, a powder flask and a carcass, and a key, and good flintlock pistols in holsters. His saddle has a good, strong, sharpened sword, and a good chase [war hammer] in his hand, a good tall horse, 15 full palms high, strong and agile…”. In the same year, George Monk added that the cavalryman's protective armament was “a helmet with three small iron bars to protect the face, a back and breastplate; all three impenetrable from a pistol; a glove for his left hand and a nice long leather glove. A double leather sash, about eight inches wide, worn under the skirts of his doublet. Weapon - "carbine, or musket barrel of the length of the barrel of a carbine", with a flintlock; a pair of pistols, a long rapier and a belt. Earlier, Crusoe (Military Instructions for the Cavalry, 1632) gives a description of the protective equipment of the arquebusier: "(In addition to a good leather tunic) he must have a breastplate and backplate of cuirassier armor, more than impenetrable from a pistol, a helmet."
These passages can be compared to the set of items issued to the cavalry of the New Model Army in 1645/1646. "Two hundred helmets with three bars of English" (8 shillings each), "59 carbines of full gauge and checked with swivel" (12 shillings 9d each), "820 [shoulder] carabiner straps of good leather and strong buckles according to the sample "(8 pence each)," 500 bandoliers. And also “two hundred pairs of flintlock pistols of full caliber and tested, with holsters of calciner inside and out, well sewn and greased” (20 shillings 4d per pair - usually pistols cost 18-26 shillings), “two hundred armor on the back [and] chest and helmets" (at 20 shillings per set), "swords and belts" (at 4 shillings 8d). Armor was tested for strength after manufacturing, and many breastplates bear the mark of a bullet.
Royalists are often portrayed without armor, but a number of documents refute such claims. So, on December 14, 1642, the company of Captain Gerard Crocker was given 33 double-sided cuirasses, 33 helmets, a pair of bracers, two gaiters (apparently, they mean the iron gloves encountered then with metal leggings up to the elbow, protecting the left hand holding the bridle), 13 pair of holsters and 25 gorgets. (In January 1643, the King's Horse Life Guards also received gorgets in addition to helmets and double-sided cuirasses.) However, in total, the captain requested 44 sets of protective weapons for riders, and the lack of plate collars and holsters means that the royal troops fed a certain lack of armor.
Therefore, in the cavalry of the First Civil War one could also find metal hats, bourgonets, medieval sallets (one such, with a metal visor in the style of civil wars, is now kept in the Tower), morion helmets from Elizabethan times, and other family heirlooms from the “times of the Ochakovskys and subjugation Crimea". But the most popular helmet of the Civil War and the New Model Army is the "open front" version, with a visor and butt pad and usually with a lattice of one to three (three plates are more typical for English-made helmets, one for imported) bars attached to the visor, covering the face. This round helmet (sometimes with earpieces) was known as pot("pot").
Under the cuirass (sometimes an overcoat was worn over it), and sometimes instead of it, the rider often wore a strong tunic made of thick bullskin (pale yellow), usually with wide sleeves, or even sleeveless, often with a stand-up collar. Its long floors covered not only the upper leg, but also the saddle. The tunic was often reinforced with pieces of chain mail where the cuirass could not provide protection. Tunics from Littlecote House (circa 1649-1660) consist of four panels with wide overlapping floors. Leather thickness ranges from 0.06" to 0.22" and the weight of the tunic is 4 lb 4 oz - 7 lb 8 oz. A small stand-up collar is pierced with holes for fitting ribbons and buttons for fastening. On the front, the tunic is fastened with 8 pairs of hooks, and 14-34 holes (16 on average) for ribbons, which were tied at the top and bottom only for a decorative effect. The body of the tunic is lined with a thin canvas, between it and the skin is a layer of coarse canvas. The tunic, it seems, was sewn according to the dimensions of the future wearer. All tunics are dyed (at the end of production) with ocher outside and inside everywhere, except under the lining - this part remained the natural color of the skin. Other examples of tunics show a more complex cut. Pieces of skin were sewn on, but did not go over each other. Colonel Brooke's tunic has "double" sleeves - it could be double clothing: an upper tunic made of thick leather, with its own small collar, sleeves below the elbow and a full skirt, and an inner tunic - made of thinner material, with a collar, but with full sleeves and length to the waist, where it was sewn into the outer tunic. The tunic of Major Sanders has a high stand-up collar, and the “upper” sleeves along the edge with a scalloped border.
In August, 1642, 53 tunics, worth £1.18 each, were delivered to a company of Parliamentarians, and in 1646, Colonel Thorpe received three tunics, ranging in price from £4.10 to £1.10.
To protect the legs from sword blows, Monck recommended that below the cuirass be worn a leather sash of double buffalo, ox or cowhide, about eight inches wide, “which should be worn under the skirts of his doublet and fastened to his doublet, and sewn so that they can join each other. friend."
In the New Model Army, over time, there seems to be a trend towards the abandonment of cuirasses and helmets. Monk wrote: “Since the defensive armament of horsemen and pikemen was very insignificant at that time, I understand that it is a soldier’s duty to go on a campaign to win, and not to be killed; and I must draw the attention of our young gentlemen to the fact that people do not wear armor, not because they are afraid of danger, but because they are not afraid of it. In 1654, most of the cavalry regiments in Scotland were not provided with cuirasses, but Monk successfully equipped them with armor and helmets for the campaign, and took them back after it was completed. As was customary during the Protectorate period, when a regiment was sent from England to serve in Scotland, its defensive armament was kept in the Tower and, if necessary, was issued to cavalrymen from Scottish warehouses. However, horsemen were often allowed to keep helmets with them, and sometimes even cuirasses were issued to half of the regiment, but helmets to everyone. The abolition of protective equipment went so far that in July 1658 the regiment of W. Lockhart sailed to Flanders without weapons at all, except for swords! Arriving at the scene, Lockhart wrote to Turlo, urging him “to give an order so that they can be immediately provided with pistols and carbines; defensive weapons can wait a little longer, unless they are in full readiness.
Despite the fact that most of the cavalrymen of the Civil Wars were called "arquebusiers", they were also armed with carbines. Gervase Markham in 1625 believed that a cavalryman should have an "argobuz" (sic!) 39 inches (99 cm) long, "and a caliber of 20 bullets per pound" (44 per 1 kg). But John Crusoe (1632), Robert Ward (1639) and Vernon (1644) argued for a lighter and shorter "arquebuzza" (sic!) - 2.5 feet (76 cm) long, "caliber accounted for out of 17 bullets in a pound." (According to Crusoe, the only difference between a carabinieri and an arquebusier is a carbine, which has 24 bullets per pound; that is, 37 and 53 bullets per 1 kg, respectively; however, Crusoe's thoughts, of course, are extremely interesting, but each time they must be checked on the basis of real documents of the time.) Monck in 1644: "The carbine, or musket barrel, as long as the barrel of a carbine, is equipped with a flintlock: which I consider much better than a carbine for service." The government in 1630 required a barrel length of 2.5 feet with a caliber of 24 rounded bullets per pound. In 1638, a flintlock carbine is mentioned, worn on a sling swivel, its barrel is 2 feet 6 inches long, again 24 bullets per pound are mentioned. The carbines that have survived to this day, probably belonging to the Parliamentary cavalry, have barrels 21.5 inches long and the barrel (caliber 0.82 dm) is slightly larger than that of a standard musket (0.8 dm).
Such a prominent historian as C. Firth believed that the cavalry of the Eastern Association of the Earl of Manchester (Ironside Cromwell, for example), unlike the cavalry of Essex, did not receive carbines, and managed with pistols alone. For example, Richard Symonds from the King's Life Guards notes in his diary that during a skirmish on August 24, 1645 with 4 companies of roundheads, the latter all had double-sided cuirasses, a helmet, "a pair of pistols, the officers have more." However, the cavalry of the New Model in 1645-1646. carbines partially nevertheless, it was armed (an order of 1502 carbines and 7650 pairs of pistols), including even officers. Finally, the royalists, who preferred the “Dutch model” of parliamentarians (standing on the spot to meet the enemy with a volley and attack with swords - this tactic was retained until 1644) attack with melee weapons in the Swedish manner (keeping pistols for pursuit), also issued carbines to their cavalrymen . Tyldesley's Horse Regiment and the King's Horse Life Guards were armed with them, as perhaps the Queen's Horse Life Guards. However, at the beginning of the war, the royalists (who had most of their companies equipped at the expense of their own commanders) still lacked firearms. Clarendon writes that “officers were happy if they could get old backs and breasts and helmets, with pistols and carbines for the first two or three ranks, and swords for the rest; myself ... taking out, in addition to pistols and swords, a short coinage. He also describes a detachment of 800 horsemen, where "few were armed with more than a sword." So, in December 1642, the Eston cavalry regiment received only a pair of flintlock carbines, 4 carbines without locks, 13 slings for carbines, as well as 18 swords without scabbards and 6 sword belts.
During the Irish campaign, the cavalry was often used on foot, so it became necessary to increase its firepower. And in November 1650, the Council of State ordered 3,000 carbines to be sent for the English cavalry in Ireland, “for without them the troops cannot energetically pursue the enemy, who with flying detachments (which our infantry cannot overtake) attacks apartments and commits frequent murders and robberies, and the cavalry, because of the need for carbines, cannot produce such destruction in the gorges and marshes as they can. Previously, a similar experiment was carried out in West England. The council decided on June 6, 1650, “to issue to Colonel Desborough's cavalry regiment 300 backs, breastplates, and helmets; and since the number of infantry in those areas is small, 300 carbines and belts for the cavalry, whereby they can do their job or the like service. In January 1651, Lieutenant-General of the Ludlow cavalry was accompanied to Ireland by a company of 100 horsemen with swords, pistols, armor and blunderbusses. During the campaign in Scotland (1653-1654) the mounted regiments stationed there received carbines or flintlock muskets. Finally, in Monk's army, the cavalry also had firearms - a contemporary noted that in February 1660, in two of his cavalry regiments that entered the capital, every second had a carbine on the side, except for a sword and a pair of pistols.
The cavalry pistols of the time were sometimes wheeled (complicated and prone to sticking, and not cheap, at least 1 pound more expensive than flintlocks), but more often were equipped with some form of flintlock, cheaper and easier to handle. The parliamentarians were armed with domestically produced flintlock pistols, while the royalists equipped their troops mainly with wheeled models of poor quality imported from the continent, for example, from Holland. So, Prince Rupert in October 1642 ordered 30 pairs of holsters, the same number of the best keys and the best powder flasks, as well as 100 molds for pistol bullets to arm his company.
In 1630, the Council of War insisted that pistols have barrels of 18 inches, but descriptions of imported French pistols from the Civil War period indicate a barrel length of 26 inches, i.e. they were too long to fit into English holsters. Crusoe recommends a barrel length of 46 cm and 44 bullets per 1 kg, while Markham prefers 66 cm barrels and 79 bullets per kg, which is clearly too much. The standard adopted after the Restoration was 14 inches. Turner writes about 2 feet for the longest and 16 inches for the shortest. As an exotic, we note a company of Walloons in Essex (1648), armed with pistols, in which the barrel - with a bell - could hold seven bullets!
However, whatever the length of the barrel, the gun was used only in close combat, both because of the inaccuracy of shooting, and because of the small caliber. To break through the cuirass of the enemy, you had to bring your weapon close to it. But this did not always help. Royalist Captain Richard Atkins describes an engagement with the Cuirassier of Parliament (Sir Arthur Haslridge) at Roundway Down: "He fired his carbine first, but at a distance without hurting me, and then one of his pistols, before I approached him, and missed both times. Then I immediately attacked him, and touched him before I unloaded my [gun]; and I am sure that I hit him, for he staggered, and immediately jumped out of his company and ran. After 120 yards, I went up to him and unloaded another pistol into him, and I am sure that I hit his head, because I touched it before the shot. But no matter how hard Atkins tried, and then Captain Beck (“also discharged a pistol into him, but with the same success as before”), Sir Arthur (see below about his armor) remained safe and sound and was not even taken prisoner .
For ammunition (powder charge in a paper cartridge was considered a poor substitute for other methods of containing and dosing black powder), Vernon recommended that the arquebusier have a carcass and a powder flask: “And if you use cartridges, you should find in your carcass ( Cartreg case) a sharpened wooden pin, which you should take, cut a piece of paper about wider than the pin in length, and wrap the paper around the pin, then twist one end of the paper and fill it almost all with gunpowder, then put the bullet on top of the gunpowder, twist this end too, then put in your casket." However, Vernon also defended the use of a powder flask, since "all the gunpowder spills out" of the cartridges on a horse trot. Crusoe and Markham advise the rider to load from a powder flask, but to have at least six ready cartridges in reserve with him. However, New Model's invoices show an order for 2,200 "cartridges" and 700 bandoliers, as well as 1,200 cartridge cases for dragoons - but a similar number of carbines and belts were ordered on the same day, so it is possible that the cartridge cases were intended for cavalry. The appearance and structure of the caskets are unknown, but they could resemble samples of the 16th century: “semicircular” metal boxes with a wooden base drilled to accommodate six cartridges.
Melee weapons were a strong straight chopping sword (or "broadsword" with a hilt in the form of a half basket) slung over the shoulder, although in the first months of the war, according to Turner, the traditional gentleman's weapon, the rapier, was also used; absolutely nothing is known about sabers. The coinage was a symbol of office among the Gentlemen Mercenaries (the king's horse guards), but occasionally appeared in the usual royalist cavalry (see above).
Although among the formations of the pre-war cavalry of the militia there were spearmen, a contemporary (who sheltered under the initials J.B.) noted in 1661 that spears in cavalry "are now generally abolished and not used at all in our later Civil Wars, except that the Duke of Hamilton had a few of them when he invaded England in 1648, but their spears were only half-pikes, and their defensive armament was very meager, so that they were not very useful to them then. But part of the Scottish cavalry was armed with spears. At Marston Moor, a squadron of Lord Balgoni's regiment made its way to Cromwell's victorious cavalry on the left flank, for "being spearmen, they attacked the enemy regiment of infantry and put it all to flight." The armament of the Scots in 1639 is described as consisting of "a carbine in the hand, two pistols at the side [probably stuck behind the tops of the boots] and two more at the saddle"; but later only a pair of "large caliber" pistols (musket bullets) and a sword were required. In 1644 the Scots demanded 1,000 pairs of flintlocks "because the arms of our horsemen are daily broken or lost." The government demanded that one squadron (that is, half of the regiment) be armed with pistols, and the second with spears. But all the cavalry recruited in 1650 were ordered not to be supplied with cuirasses and armed with lances (some of the old units, however, retained firearms - the regiment of Lieutenant General David Leslie, for example), and as early as 1648 the ratio of spearmen was higher than previous campaigns. And in the skirmish at Musselburgh, the front rank of the Scottish cavalry consisted of spearmen who put Cromwell's horsemen to flight (1650).
In Ireland, after the unfortunate experience of being confronted by the lances of the Scottish cavalry in Ulster, the rebellious cavalry of the Earl of Castlehaven finally refused to resist them until they were provided with armour. The first two rows of Irish horsemen were equipped with defensive weapons, and Owen Roy, for the same reason, armed his cavalry regiments with pistols (4 companies) and spears (1 company). It is curious to note that the Scots themselves in most cases managed with helmets (or "steel caps", i.e. morion or cabasset) and tunics; in the summer of 1651, the Scottish cavalry received a batch of armor brought from Sweden, unloaded near Dundee. Often without cuirasses (despite the requirements of the 1640s for their presence) and sitting on small, light and weak horses, they were involuntarily forced to focus on the speed and maneuverability of spearmen as the only way to somehow resist the "iron wall" » English cavalry. Otherwise, the Scots "will never be able to withstand the attack or hold back the blow of the enemy's cavalry."
Crusoe describes the cuirassier armor: a closed helmet with a visor, a gorget, a cuirass, a breastplate reinforcement (over the cuirass), shoulder pads, bracers, metal gloves, thigh pads, knee pads, a shell skirt, a sword with a belt, a prick under armor, flintlock pistols at the saddle (barrel 18 inches long, caliber 20 bullets per pound) and a spear 18 feet long. But cuirassiers were practically not used in England. During the years of the Civil War, only a few officers and gentlemen in the rank and file possessed the full armor of a cuirassier (although all colonels, generals and kings ordered to draw themselves in portraits in such knightly armor). Owners of several copies could donate them to the troops. When Richard Atkins formed his company (60 cavalry) in January 1643, "Master Dutton gave me 30 steel backs, breastplates and helmets, and two men and horses fully armored" (like cuirassiers?). A rarity in England was a horse capable of carrying a cuirassier. Such armor was, of course, very expensive (4 pounds 10 shillings in 1629, when the equipment of an arquebusier cost only 2.5 pounds), heavy (a person in it “could not climb a horse without great difficulty”) and uncomfortable (Edmund Ludlow almost froze in it the night before the Battle of Edgehill), but very reliable, although James I claimed that it saves the life of the wearer and prevents him from injuring anyone else! Under Edgehill, the cuirassier of Parliament, "armored from head to toe" attacked the Prince of Wales (in the portrait by W. Dobson, the young prince himself is shown in black enameled gilded cuirassier armor) with his brother, and nothing could be done with him until the gentleman mercenary Matthews not "finished business" with a strike of the coinage. At Hopton Heath (March 19, 1643) the Earl of Northampton dismounted and was surrounded by enemies, but refused to surrender, and was immune to blows in his cuirassier armor, and died only from "a blow of a halberd on the back of his head" when "his the helmet was cunningly knocked off by a blow from the butt of a musket.
But not counting a few wealthy individuals (King Charles sometimes wore full cuirassier armor, but not in battle, but on solemn occasions, and the Prince of Wales somehow appeared in York at the head of a cavalry company, wearing "very curious gilded armor"), only two cuirassier cavalry units served in the First Civil War, both on the side of Parliament. These were the company of the Earl of Essex's Life Guards (in which Ludlow served) and the regiment of Sir Arthur Haslridge. (Monk, in his notes later, ignored the cuirassier altogether, "because few countries can afford horses suitable for the service of cuirassiers"; it should be refuted as allegations that cuirassier equipment was universally distributed by the end of the war - just then the cuirassiers disappeared .) Haslridge's regiment, Clarendon reports, "was so marvelously armored that they were nicknamed by the other side regiment of crayfish, because of their shiny iron shells, which they were dressed in, being the perfect cuirassiers; they were the first thus armed on both sides, and first made an impression on the king's cavalry, which, being without armour, could not bear to face them; besides, they were not bothered by the blows with the sword, which was almost the only weapon of the others. However, protection came at a cost of lack of maneuverability, and at Roundway Down, Hasleridge's regiment was utterly routed when they met the royalist attack while standing still! Sir Arthur himself was then still "in mail over armor and a helmet (I'm sure) not pierced by a musket", and all the efforts of the royalists who attacked him did not lead to anything. Only when his horse stumbled did Haslridge have to give up, but he was immediately recaptured by his own. When this story was told to Charles I, the king said: "If it were as well supplied with supplies as it was fortified, it could withstand a siege for seven years!"

Dragoons
Markham in 1625 recommended that dragoons (whom he clearly represented as cavalrymen) wear "an open helmet with cheek pads, and a good tunic with deep floors" (both points remained a good wish). As a firearm, he advised a musket with a barrel of 16 inches long, with a flintlock, worn on a leather belt over the right shoulder. Also, the dragoon had to wear a belt with a powder flask, a key and a bag for bullets, and a sword (apparently shorter than in the cavalry). In reality, the dragoons of the Civil War were armed with swords and muskets on belts, "with a slightly wider barrel than usual, hanging from a belt on a swivel on the side," according to Vernon (usually a flintlock musket). There were no pistols (except for the officers - parliamentary lieutenant colonel James Carr in 1643 had a carbine and three pairs of pistols). However, the dragoon companies of the Eastern Association were supplied with swords, flintlock pistols and hooked muskets. Another military theorist in 1649 proposed "culverins and powder flasks", plus "pig feathers" in the amount of two - each 142 cm long, with a tip of 15 cm.
Since dragoons, the riding infantry, fought primarily on foot (but attacked on horseback on occasion), Monck recommended flintlock muskets, and New Model dragoons were usually supplied with them (hooked baldrics in 1649). So, in the accounts for July 1645, “200 dragoon muskets with flintlocks at 15 sh. 6 items apiece. In December, 1,000 flintlock "dragoon muskets" were purchased, each 4 feet long. In January 1646, 1200 carabiners were ordered for the New Model dragoons, “made of a strong plate covered with black leather, of which 700 are semicircular, and the remaining 500 are double”, as well as 1000 carabiner belts “made of good leather”, with buckles, and 700 belts on the frogs. It is believed that the caskets were nevertheless intended for the cavalry (or are they abdominal bags for the infantry?), And the dragoons managed with bandeliers. But there is no mention of the issuance of bandeliers to the dragoons.
Although they tried to arm the dragoons with flintlock firearms (they always stood in pickets and guards), the royalists often had to abandon this principle. So, in the receipt dated November 21, 1642 we read: “Issue Colonel Ed. I am warming for his dragoon regiment twelve wicks, four barrels of gunpowder, two barrels of bullets for a musket and two for a carbine. That is, we are talking about carbines and matchlock muskets. In December 1642, the King's War Council at Oxford ordered all workshops to produce dragoon muskets, only 3 feet long. Over time, royalist dragoons began to switch to flintlock muskets - 30 flintlocks were issued to Prince Rupert's dragoons in November 1644.
Crusoe in 1632 advised arming dragoons, in addition to matchlock muskets, also with lances with leather lanyards in the middle of the shaft. Other military theorists also talk about dragoon half-peaks. But J.B. noted in 1661 that "in these our English wars it has been observed that the dragoons seldom used pikes". (Perhaps, with the exception of the Scots - Fraser's regiment, for example; by the way, Scottish dragoons usually had wick, not flint, muskets with bandeliers, and pistols were plugged into the tops of their boots.) In 1643, Colonel of Prince Rupert's dragoons, John Innes, temporarily put 39 muskets and 39 "peaks" of his sick soldiers, but Inns was also an adjutant general of the infantry, and even then (1643-1644) he received muskets for Rupert's dragoons, but not pikes.
As exotic weapons, we note hunting rifles, clubs and sickles, as well as pitchforks and flails of the parliamentary “Moorland dragoons”, formed in the Lika region.

Literature:
Asquith S. New Model Army 1645-60. Osprey, 1981.
Elliot-Wright P.J.C. Firelock Forces // Military Illustrated ( MI). 1994. № 75.
Firth C.H. Cromwell's Army. L., 1921.
Gush G. Renaissance Armies 1480-1650. S.l., 1982.
Haythornthwaite Ph.J. “Lobsters”: 17th century cuirassiers // MI. 1992. No. 51.
Haythornthwaite P.J. The English Civil War 1642-1651: An Illustrated Military History. L., 1994.
Honeywell C., Spear G. The English Civil War Recreated in Color Photographs. L., 1993.
Mungeam G.I. Contracts for the Supply of Equipment to the New Model Army in 1645 // Journal of Arms & Armor Society. 1969 Vol. VI. No. 3.
Reid S. Covenanters: Scots Infantry in the 1640s // MI. 1989. No. 19.
Reid S. Scots Armies of the English Civil Wars. Osprey, 1999.
Reid S. Dunbar 1650: Cromwell's most famous victory. Osprey, 2004.
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Roberts K. Matchlock Musketeer 1588-1688. Osprey, 2002.
Roberts K. First Newbury 1643: The turning point. Osprey, 2003.
Roberts K., Tincey J. Edgehill 1642: First Battle of the English Civil War. Osprey, 2001.
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Tincey J. Ironsides: English Cavalry 1588-1688. Osprey, 2002.
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Public network information usedInternet.

Getting the title of "salaga"

The first rank, everything is simple here.
Fly to the pirate base, get the rank of a pirate, as well as a good pirate corps.

Obtaining the title of "Jung" (100 points)

To complete, a scientific base must be built in the galaxy, in this case you are given the task of finding a memory block on an uninhabited planet. We buy 1-3 probes, load them onto the planet and fly about our business. Upon returning, we take the memory block and hand it over to the pirate base.
As a reward now and in the future they will give out excellent acryne equipment with low weight and maximum capabilities for that year, but naturally not without minuses.

Obtaining the title of "raider" (250 points)

Well, finally, a normal task, you need to kill one pirate-informer, but that's not all.
After you accept the task, you will constantly receive one stupid message on the bottom panel, something is written there about your cow. So, this is a secret message from agents. We fly to the planet indicated in the message, and here you are offered to leak information in favor of the Coalition. Never say that you don't know what the agent is talking about, even if you want to play as pirates, because you will miss some parts of the plot.
We drain them of the pirate we need to kill. Next, we fly to kill the pirate, and after the capsule falls out, we take money from the pirate, load it on board and:

• either we grab and carry to the PB (+ to the pirates)
• either we grab and carry to the nearest coalition planet (+ to the coalition)

Regardless of what you choose, at the end you will receive 1 micromodule of your choice and a new rank.
In order for the girls-special agents to give you tasks, you need to complete tasks in favor of the coalition whenever possible.

Obtaining the title of "skipper" (450 points)

Here the task will be more serious, we need to destroy the business center in the system attacked by the dominators, and we also called them.
We fly to the planet to meet with a representative of agents, report everything to him and fly to the system where our business center is.
You can complete the task in 2 ways:

• We do as the pirates say. Upon arrival in the system, the beacon is activated automatically. We fly to the business center and wait for the dominators. As soon as the system was invaded, we place 3 quark bombs, and shoot at them, destroying the business center. Dominators can not be touched, and fly to the pirate base. (+ to pirates)
• We play for the Coalition. We arrive in the system, the beacon is activated, we fly to the BC, and as soon as the dominators fly into the system, a message appears on the panel that it is necessary to guard the BC for 60 days. Actually this is what we do. After 60 days, the base will self-destruct, and you will only have to fly to the pirate base for a tag, and to the coalition planet for a reward. Oh yeah, there are 3 more quark bombs left in your hold. (+ to the coalition)

Regardless of who you played as, at the end you get a choice of: 3 MM Level 3, 2 MM Level 2 or 1 MM Level 1.

Getting the title of "thug" (750 points)

It's time for the stick. At first glance, the task is simple, but not everything is so smooth.
We hit the road and kill the ranger, we return to the PB.
Here we are informed that the ranger is alive, and is now in the hospital. We fly to the agents, and to the planet where the ranger lies. Next we have a quest.

Passing the quest:
We allow the droid to scan ourselves, leave the blaster with you and you will be taken to the doctor. To the question about your health, answer: "like a well-fried penchekryak." We take his robe and shed. We go to separate chambers, and there we find our ranger.
No need to choke him with a pillow, nothing good will come of it. Further to the elevator, to the first floor, to the office premises, and to the toilet. There I wash my hands and take a worker's suit. Further, on the third floor, we insert the worker's card, we pass into the room to the head of security, we eavesdrop on the conversation, we leave. Further into the nameless door, we tell the guards of the room that the Major is calling to us and move on.
There is already a branch, depending on who you play as:

• If for a special agent, then press "refuse to kill." We rise to the 4th floor and say that you have important information, tell everyone the truth and ... the task is completed. Receive your award on the spot. (+ to the coalition)
• We lock ourselves in the room, search everything, put on a breathing mask and begin to pump out the air. First level 3, and then all the rest. We exit through the main entrance. To the guard who met, we tear off the mask. Mission completed. The reward awaits you at the PB. (+ to pirates)

After the quest, we fly to the PB and get 2 micromodules to choose from.

Obtaining the title of "ataman" (1000 points)

To become a chieftain, you must kill the chieftain, which is logical. The mysterious Mr. Shu is sent to help you. Ask him who he is and what his goal is, he must tell you that he is a liquidator, for this you will receive an additional reward.
We fly to the planet where the ataman settled, we are waiting for Mr. Shu in the orbit of the planet, and we choose from 2 ways to eliminate him:

• If you don't want to participate in the Planetary Battle, send Mr. Shu to do it. In a day he will fly out and the ataman will fly to another system, to the planet, where he will be imprisoned for 100 years. Follow him, and then you can go to the PB. (+ to pirates)
• We leave Mr. Shu in orbit, and we ourselves fly to the planet.
  Next, you have to win the Planetary Battle. It is quite simple, you can immediately go to the center of the map to the green ones, destroying towers and capturing factories along the way. At the same time, it is worth keeping all the robots intact, i.e. after each shootout, give them time to repair.
  After the victory, a small quest opens.
  It should do the following:
  - This is true
  - What do you mean?
  - Powerful words.
  "After you've said that, I'm starting to understand...
  Further on the choice: you can leave him alive (+ to the coalition) or kill him (+ to the pirates).

If you left him alive, then fly to the coalition planet to receive a reward. After we fly to the PB and choose a set of micromodules for ourselves.

It is worth noting: if you completed this task not in favor of the Coalition, then there is no way to get the last task from the girls-special agents, i.e. you won't get a hybrid droid.

Getting the title of "Khan" (1500 points)

To obtain this title, you need to complete 3 "special" government tasks to choose from. Here I will try to describe each of these tasks that I can find. All of them are interesting, so I recommend going through each of them.

• Black hole exploration:
  Before passing, it is advisable to arm yourself well. We fly into a given black hole, there will be no special problems inside, the main thing is to collect first-aid kits before departure so that the xp bar is full, because. at the exit, 3 pirates and a lot of trash will be waiting for you, apparently from the ships killed before you. We remove the pirates, collect everything you need from the garbage, and return to the planet for a reward.
• Buy equipment and food:
  In general, we need to buy 1000 tons of food, and 1000 tons of equipment, for a total of 2000. You won’t get money for this, so you’ll have to accumulate not a frail capital in advance. It is better in advance, before the task begins, buy everything you need, slowly, and when the mission begins, you will only have to turn in the purchased junk. You should not take this task if you have a small hull or a weak engine. You simply won't make it. Do not forget the main thing when you fly through the system, poke on each planet and base with the right button, if the planet has a good supply of the goods you need, buy it. And use the search by planets to buy a lot at once, and not collect 10-20 vehicles from each planet.
• Destroy the Science Station:
  If you do not have research probes at the beginning of the mission, you can buy them just in the same system, on the same base that you need to blow up. Do not skimp on the probe that is given when you take the task, the probe is really good and will serve you in the future. Next, fly to the planet where the bomb is hidden (It is advisable to get good probes, because the mission is limited). We skip days, and as soon as a bomb appears, we grab it and fly back. Throw out a bomb next to the base (you don't just have to shoot at it, the bomb will explode by itself) and you can immediately fly to the starting planet. By the time you get there, the bomb will explode. Naturally, no money will be given.
• Collect tribute from 6 peaceful ships:
  The task is simple. We fly through the system and rob peaceful ships. You can take away the goods, you can demand money. After you rob 6 ships, a message will appear on the notification panel stating that the task has been completed.
• Deliver a container with records of Peleng atrocities:
  A simple delivery task. If you can't handle it, turn on the afterburner. Receive your reward upon arrival.
• Assemble a complete package of dominator equipment:
  But this is already interesting, it's time to make war with the dominators.
  You need to assemble: a torsion reactor (engine), a stackbarrel (fuel tank), a dianode (droid), a mental probe (capture), a pixellite (protection generator), a sensorotron (radar) and a tech-detector (scanner).
  Reward: Standard amount of government assignments + payment for collected equipment x2. If the equipment is recently knocked out, then x3, and if it also belongs to the same series, then x4. You have approximately one year to complete this task. It will be a shame not to have time, so we try to prevent this from happening. If you decide to collect equipment of only one series, then get ready for problems. For example, the Blazers, very rarely (I have never dropped out) have a sensorotron, when the Kellers have it, every 2nd killed has it. If you have a Blast Wave Locator, or a sufficient number of "Alarm" programs (you can buy from pirates for nodes), then you can try to collect one series, if not, then it's better not to bother and ignore the link to the series. A year should be enough for you, besides, by this time, you should have a completely combat ship. Put the equipment somewhere nearby, as soon as you collect everything, return for a reward.
• Find an artifact divided into 3 parts:
  We get probes, the more the better (and most importantly good ones), we fly to the first planet, drop the probes there and fly after the pirates. You can safely kill both, after which you will find out where the other 2 parts of the amulet are. In the process of killing them, as soon as the exploration of the first planet is over, fly on it, grab the 1st fragment, and repeat the same with the 2nd other planets. The main thing is not to delay! You have a little over six months for all this.
• Find the secret archive:
  Buy probes that are offered to you (do not be stingy, they are good). Explore the necessary planet, take the archive, and fly back.
• Exchange the Animal for a figurine:
  We do everything according to the instructions:
  • We destroy the transport, which will take off the next day after the issuance of the task
  • We select Vrotmnevolos (the name of the animal) and take it to the pirate base. Look in advance in the search for where it is, otherwise the ruler forgot to tell us the system where this base is.
  • We exchange Vrotmnevolos for a figurine and take it back to the owner.
• Plant drugs on one politician (quest):
  I have not seen a simpler quest, so I will not describe in detail. And so, by the beginning of our operation, we put on gloves and insert the key, attempts are not limited, so you can enter all 3 codes, as you enter, put on shoe covers, and then hide the bags so that it would be very easy to find, but so that they are not on in a conspicuous place, and do not throw all 5 bags in one room. Make a bag in each room. No need to be smart, hide it in a stereovisor, in a flower pot sprinkled a little with earth, in a boot, or a slipper. When leaving the apartment, do not forget to take the key with you.
• Clear the planet of dominators (PB):
  The battle is simple. The most important thing is to quickly take a neutral base in the center to build robots before Keller takes it. Initially, you will have only 5 robots. Also, for payment by nodes, you can increase the starting number of robots.

Obtaining the title of "Baron" (3000 points)

We get a badge, and a new sector opens up for us with 2 systems: Tortugats and Nifigats. In Nifigats, after receiving the title of Baron, it will be possible to fly in and collect taxes from the planets.
But while we have not received the title, we are flying to Tortugats. There will be only one pirate base, although according to the mechanics of the game, it is considered a planet. As soon as you sit on it, warriors will immediately burst into the system. We fly out, start to wet them (you don’t have to shoot at them, the pirates will do everything themselves) And we are waiting for the arrival of the WB, which will land on the PB. After landing on the PB, the quest to save the base will begin.

The quest is divided into 4 parts.

In the first part, we have to repel the attack of the military. We turn on the turret and select more machine guns, since you will have to use them more often, because. most of the lasers will be in an overheated state. To win you need to remember one thing. Only 7 waves are waiting for you, so you should not save much machine gun ammunition. There are 2 ways to get through. With or without mines. I personally passed without mines. In this case, instead of placing mines, we collect ammunition. You will have a decent supply of missiles. Well, what to shoot? If you have a lot of soldiers, and not so much equipment, then shoot with lasers. If the soldiers and vehicles are evenly matched, or if the lasers are overheated, fire machine guns. Rockets, on the other hand, are very effective against cyborgs and heavy vehicles, but against soldiers, they are no more useful than machine guns, except that the supply of missiles is very limited. In the first 3 waves, try not to use rockets, and then you can land 3-4 pieces per wave.

In the second part, we are given a walker:
- look for another way
- To the conveyor
- Go to the warehouse
- look for something
- Leave the warehouse
- move away from the conveyor
- Approach the glass booth
- Throw a smoke grenade inside
- Leave the closet
- To the conveyor
- Use the key.
Next, you have a transporter. The amount of fuel is running out, so first we go to the Distillation, refuel and now to the Storage. We pick up hand weapons, and for the transporter: Grenade launcher, Lantern, Armor set and Navigator. Let's go to the sorting room. Then we fly through the abyss, Throw the fragmentation into the booth with the bearing. Further into the maneuverable corridors, we attach ourselves at the end of the column and shoot from a grenade launcher., further to the gate, and again use the grenade launcher, firing at the barrels. We call in the hangar, and shoot the last shells in the left and right heap. We leave the transporter, move forward twice, shoot at the energy node and finish off the rest with bursts. We pass through the conveyor. Next, as your transporter presses against the magnet, throw the fragmentation into the booth. Dedicate a flashlight to the sensor and that's it. This part of the quest can be completely different, depending on the equipment you have chosen in Vault 13.

The third part is not much different from the second, except that all the mini-games are fixed. We decisively approach the little box, say that you are from the verification service and that you will not tolerate a lack of order. Show your Ranger ID when it comes to your documents. Ask for his name and part number and move on. Approaching the next door, wait until it is written that nothing has changed. We go inside. If there are 4 opponents - throw a coin, if 3 - knock down the cabinet, if there are more, then there's nothing to be done. In the next mini-game, you need to connect wires of the same color from different bundles. This is where the leaflet comes in handy. There are 5 colors in total: Yellow, red, blue, green and orange. View 4 wires from the first bundle and write down the color. Sign the 5th wire to the missing color, because there may not be enough time to view it. We do the same with the 2nd bundle and connect the wires of the same color. Then we go up, then everything is according to the scheme:
- Dash towards enemies
- Throw a goblet at opponents
- Jump into the box
- Throw an ember at opponents
- Pull the edge of the carpet
- Run towards the elevator
- Grab a picture of Rhea Pin

And there was the last final very short part:
Click: Listen, Pay attention to the officer. And now the final choice on which the end depends:

• Agreeing to an offer is a stupid decision, and you will pay for it with your life.
• If you kill the Baron, you take his place, and you yourself will conduct deals with the corrupt admiral, and as a result, the Pirates will defeat the Coalition. The ending for the ranger is not a happy one. Evil has won.
• If you Kill the General - In this case, you cut off communication between the pirates and the coalition, thereby destroying the pirate organization as a whole. The baron is unable to do anything. The coalition will defeat the pirates. The secret services will fake your death and give you a lot of money for later life. Good has won.
• If you kill both - you take the place of the baron, and put an end to the pirate organization. The pirates returned to their roots, and you became famous not only among the pirates, but the coalition treated you with respect, despite your pirate activities.

Friendship won.

UPD(May 2018): This guide has not been updated since mid-2014. If someone replays and sees that something can be added, then write in private messages what exactly you would like to fix, I will give you the opportunity to edit the manual.
All galistry time at my expense!

A.V. Kurkin

1. Prerequisites for the creation of permanent military formations in Burgundy in the 15th century.

It is generally accepted that a constant, i.e. existing not only in wartime, but also in peacetime, the Burgundian army appeared in 1471 after the establishment of the so-called. "ordinance mouths". In reality, the question of the appearance of regular troops in the Principality of Burgundy is much more complicated. In addition, the very term "standing (regular) army" is very arbitrary. So, for example, a certain part of the noble elite of the duchy had its own small "regular troops". We are talking about guard units (“archers of the body”, “archers of the guard”, etc.), which had uniform weapons and equipment, paid for by their seigneur, and carried out constant service at the court of their master. The garrisons of the main fortresses of the country, from year to year for the agreed payment, carried out their protection, could also be considered regular troops. In this regard, the French historian Philippe Contamine wrote:

““Standing Army” is an expression that is not at all clear, therefore, the varieties of such an army should be outlined. It can be considered proven that at least from the beginning of the XIV century. in a particular territory, if only it is sufficiently extensive, there have always been warriors, armed people capable of maintaining internal order, as well as detaining thieves and murderers, executing the decisions of the authorities and the judiciary, and ensuring minimal security within the fortifications.

Obviously, in a broad sense, the term "standing army" refers to large military formations that have their own supply, combat training and command institutions. The maintenance of such an army presupposes the presence of permanent, i.e. regularly levied taxes and the recognition by the political elite of the country of the unconditional advantage of an expensive but stable military force over cheaper and less controlled formations of the feudal militia, urban militia and mercenaries recruited from time to time. The events of the Ghent War (1452-1453), which required the Burgundian military and political leadership to keep large military forces in the field for two years, and strong garrisons in the cities of the provinces engulfed in rebellion, prompted the Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good, to look for alternative options for the feudal militia.

In 1457, from the volunteers volunteers(volontaires) the first permanent Burgundian companies were recruited, which received half pay for service in peacetime. The companies had different numbers and were divided into chamber-rooms of 5-6 gendarmes with several companions in each. Once a month, three-day company meetings were held, at which weapons and training were checked, and salaries were also issued. For 3 days of collection, a gendarme was charged 24 sous (2 Flemish gros), a companion - 6 sous. Most likely, such companies of volunteers did not last long.

In 1466, in Burgundy, especially in the lands bordering on the ever-rebellious Principality of Liege, infantry units were created economic(mesnagers), somewhat reminiscent of the French "free archers". Household garrisons stood in several fortresses and combined service with personal affairs.

In 1467, after the Battle of Brustem and the surrender of Liège, the Duke of Burgundy, Charles the Bold, again decided to revive the companies of volunteers. Thus, according to the report of Jean d'Henin, Jacques de Luxembourg, Seigneur de Fiennes, as well as several other seniors, the duke offered to lead permanent companies of 50 spears with half pay in peacetime. Luxembourg diplomatically replied that he himself was ready to serve the duke in any capacity and at any time, but first he must consult with the people of his company. During the meeting, most of the gendarmes de Fiennes spoke out against the service, citing fatigue, anxiety for the abandoned families and, most importantly, delays in paying salaries, which were usually practiced by both Philip the Good and his son. Nevertheless, as Henin concludes, some of the gendarmes nevertheless signed up as volunteers and immediately received a salary for 15 days.

However, these half-measures could not solve the main problem, which was the extremely clumsy mechanism for mobilizing the Burgundian army, which both adversely affected the timing of the campaign and did not allow timely response to sudden military threats. For example, the collection of the Burgundian feudal militia (Arrierban) for a campaign against Liege in 1468 dragged on for 2 months, while some of the detachments never arrived at the rendezvous point, as a result of which the campaign was carried out in difficult conditions of rainy autumn and cold winter.

In addition, Charles the Bold was probably impressed by the regular army of Louis XI, with whom he confronted his feudal host at Montlhery (1465). Only thanks to the regular ordinance companies, the French king, during the war of the League of the Public Good, was able to deliver a preemptive strike on one of the members of the League, the Duke of Bourbon, and knock him out of the fight before the main forces of the League arrived. After the signing of the Peace of Conflans, the French royal army, battered by the Burgundians at Montlhéry, nevertheless, over the two winter months of 1465-1466. during the lightning campaign, she again restored the power of Louis in Normandy. Such combat activity and mobility were impressive.

In the autumn of 1469, Charles the Bold was quite rightly confident about a new war with France, which was to begin in the very near future. For some time, the duke had hopes for a corps of Italian mercenaries: Prince Rodolfo Gonzaga was offered to recruit 1,200 spears (5 horsemen each), divide them into companies and send them to Burgundy for service. However, due to insufficient funding and political tensions, this plan failed.

In 1470 the problem of creating a regular army arose with all its acuteness. On May 20, a decision was made to recruit 800 copies of the "ordinance", on October 23, the number of "copies of 3 horses" recruited into the regular army increased to 1,000, with a monthly payment of 15 francs. It was from this moment that the formation of the first Burgundian ordinance companies began, which formed the backbone of the standing army of Charles the Bold.

In the winter of 1470-1471. the duke's military officials began to inspect the emerging companies. So, on February 9-11, three commissioners of the duke held a review of the Burgundian company of the knight Ame de Rabutin, seigneur d'Epiri.

On February 10, a review of the company of Peter von Hagenbach, temporarily stationed in Wavre, was held. Hagenbach himself, busy with the administration of Alsace, was absent, so the company was actually led by his lieutenant Jean d'Yne.

On 27 February, the ducal commissioners inspected Claude de Dammartin's company. During the review, the company commander and two foremen-disaniers were absent, so the company was commanded by Philippe de Saint-Leger, lieutenant and commander of the second disani.

In May, government officials in Brabant received instructions from Charles the Bold to register volunteers for permanent companies. It was necessary to recruit 1,250 spears consisting of 1 gendarme, 1 pikeman, 1 crossbowman and 1 cooler - a total of 5,000 people. The fighters recruited in this way were ordered to concentrate in Arras by June 15th. However, the deadlines were not met, and the registration of volunteers stretched until the end of the year.

2. Military ordinances of Charles the Bold.

July 31, while in the city of Abbville on the Somme, Charles the Bold issued his famous decree (ordinance) on the formation of 12 regular companies.

“Monsignor Duke announces that he takes on his maintenance and provision of 1,250 gendarmes of the ordinance with three horses, and for each gendarme of three horse archers and foot crossbowmen, a coulevrinier and a pikeman, the best and most trained that he can find in his lands on the rights señora."

Each ordinance company (compagnies d'ordonnance), according to the provisions of the Abbville Ordinance, consisted of 100 copies, consolidated into 10 platoons - design(dixains - tens). Each design consisted of 10 copies, divided into two unequal chambers - shaumbra 4 and 6 copies. Commander of the "four" - chef de chambre(chefe de chambre) obeyed the commander of the "six" - design(disenier - foreman), who, in turn, was directly subordinate to the company commander - conducto(conducteur, in the Russian-speaking tradition - a conductor or conductor). Conducto carried out the orders of the commander-in-chief - the General Captain, i.e. Duke Charles himself, who, according to Olivier de La Marche "wanted to be the sole captain of his men and order them at his pleasure."

Thus, the ordinance Burgundian company included 900 people, of which 100 were non-combatants - pages or jacks. The combatants included 500 cavalrymen (100 gendarmes, 100 cuties and 300 horse archers) and 300 infantrymen (100 crossbowmen, 100 coulevriniers and 100 pikemen). In general, copying the organizational structure of the French ordinance companies, the Burgundian military functionaries, in the Italian manner, reinforced the traditional spear of 6 cavalrymen (including a mounted servant) with three infantrymen.

Each company was assigned 1 or 2 trumpeters trompetta(trompettes), surgeon, commissioner, keeping order (commissaire), notary- notaire(notaire) and treasurer- treasurer(tresorier), otherwise dressed(auditeur, auditor) with an assistant who once a quarter gave out a salary based on the following monthly payments:

The absence of a reveler and a page in the above list should not be embarrassing, because. their salary was counted in those 15-18 francs that were issued to the gendarme.

In fact, 12 ordinance companies (in fact, 13 companies were formed, but company No. 1 was immediately assigned to the guard) completed their formation and “became operational” as early as 1472.

• Company No. 1, Conductor Olivier de La Marche;
• company No. 2, airman Jacques de Garchier;
• Company No. 3, Airman Jean de La Vieville;
• company No. 4, airman Jacques de Montmartin;
• Company No. 5, Conducto Giacomo de Vichy;
• company No. 6, conducto Philippe de Dubois;
• Company No. 7, Conductor Gilles de Garchier;
• company No. 8, airman Jacques de Rebrenne;
• Company No. 9, Conducto Claude de Dammartin;
• company No. 10, airman Peter von Hagenbach;
• Company No. 11, Conducto Baudouin de Lannoy;
• company No. 12, conducto Ame de Rabutin.
• company No. 13, airman Philippe de Poitiers.

The national composition of the formed units was rather motley. So, companies No. 1,13 consisted mainly of Picards, companies No. 2,3 - of the Flemings, companies No. 4,7-12 - of Burgundians, company No. 5 - of Savoys, company No. 6 - of Dutch. Often, the actual command of the companies was not carried out by the conductos themselves, many of whom held important state or court posts and were forced to constantly be distracted from solving narrowly military tasks, but by their lieutenants. Some of these lieutenants, such as Jean d'Ygne, Antoine de Sallenovo or Ferry de Cousans, eventually replaced their immediate superiors and took up conducto positions themselves.

On November 13, 1472, another military ordinance of Charles the Bold was issued in the town of Boen-en-Vermandois. The ordinance took into account the results of the French campaign and contained a minor adjustment to the size of the regular army of Burgundy:

The administrative division of the company into dizani, chambers and spears in battle and on the march, as follows from the text of the ordinance, was leveled. The fighters of the company in marching and combat conditions were divided into three tactical units: a detachment of cavalry from gendarmes and revelers, a detachment of archers and a detachment of infantrymen. Thus, the command functions of the designer and the chiefs of the chambers turned out to be in demand only at the station, to solve domestic and judicial-administrative issues. Each tactical unit on the campaign and in battle was controlled by gendarmes specially appointed by the company commander for this purpose.

The new ordinance also described in more detail the marching order of the company, its quartering, and clarified some elements of subordination. So, preparing for the march, the soldiers at the first signal of the trumpets rolled up their tents and packed their property, at the second signal they gathered in divisions, at the third signal they formed a common column and went on a campaign. For all the soldiers of the company, a mandatory roll call was introduced, in connection with which, the gendarmes provided lists of their people directly to the dispatcher, those - further on the command of the conducto, who, in turn, sent the full list of the company to the military department, and left a duplicate with him. In addition, the procedure for punishing certain offenses was simplified, and decisions on fines were made locally, both conducto and design.

Cardinal changes in the organization of regular companies occurred after the publication of the Saint-Maximin Ordinance in Trier (October 1473):

“The highest, most noble, powerful and fearless Monsignor Duke of Burgundy, Brabant and others. Having unremitting zeal and desire to secure, protect and increase the welfare of the duchies, counties, provinces, lands and estates, which by natural right passed from his noble ancestors under his suzerainty, and in order to secure them from the encroachments of enemies and all who envy the well-being of the noble House of Burgundy, as well as those who seek by force of arms or by criminal acts to undermine the wealth, honor and integrity of this noble House and the said duchies, counties, provinces, lands and estates, just as some time ago, formed and established companies of the ordinance, gendarmes and shooters and other cavalry and on foot, who, like other people, cannot constantly remain in obedience and good relations without law and instructions, which describe their duties to maintain discipline and virtuous order, as well as to punish and correct their shortcomings and mistakes. Therefore, our fearless monsignor, after unhurried, long and mature reflections, worked out and approved the following laws, statutes and decrees.

From now on, the company consisted of 4 squadrons- squadron(escadres), which, in turn, split into 4 chambers of 6 copies each. The 25th spear of the squadron was the personal spear of the squadron commander - command squadron(chief d'escadre). Three of the four chief squadrons were appointed conducto, the fourth - the duke, usually from among the squires of his Hotel.

At the beginning of the year, the conductos were notified of their assumption of office and took an oath of allegiance to the duke. Further, the conductos formed companies, compiled lists of military personnel, which they provided to the duke at the end of the year. At the same time, during a special ceremony, commander's batons, duplicates of the ducal ordinance with the necessary instructions and copies of their company lists were handed over to the conductos. At the same time, the duke personally greeted each conducto, promising timely cash payments, and assuring him of his indispensable desire to extend the contract in the future.

The paragraphs of the ordinance further tightened discipline: soldiers were forbidden to blaspheme, swear and play dice. The duke's attempt to instill carnal abstinence in his fighters looked no less utopian: the numerous prostitutes who accompanied the soldiers on a campaign or camping had to be dispersed, leaving only 30 of them for each company.

The section devoted to conducting exercises looked more sensible: soldiers were trained to master tactical techniques, taught interaction on the battlefield, and practiced combat formations.

However, the Saint-Maximin Ordinance was soon supplemented by several instructions, the text of which has not been preserved. We can judge the changes that have taken place in the organizational structure of the companies in comparison with the provisions of the Saint-Maximin Ordinance, thanks to the reports of Olivier de La Marche.

In 1474, while with his company in the ranks of the Burgundian army that besieged the Neisse, La Marche wrote his famous treatise "Services of the Hotel of the Duke Charles of Burgundy the Bold", in which, among other things, he left valuable remarks on the organizational structure of the ordinance companies:

“The Duke / has / one thousand two hundred gendarmes of his ordinance, each of which has an armed kutilye, and under / the head / of each gendarme are three horse archers, in addition, each gendarme has three foot soldiers armed with crossbows, culverins and peaks: thus, in spear / there are / eight combatants, but the infantrymen are not controlled by their cavalrymen.

About who the foot soldiers are "ruled" by, La Marche writes in another paragraph:

“So, we should talk about the service of the foot soldiers, which are controlled by a knight, the chief of all the infantry, and / his / deputy, who is responsible for all infantry conductos. In each company there are three categories of infantrymen, there is a captain, a mounted gendarme and a standard bearer with a guidon; and for every hundred people there is a centurion mounted gendarme who carries another, shorter, flag ..., in addition, there is one for every thirty-one people, called a thirty-man, to whom all the others obey "

Thus, according to La Marche, the company infantry was divided into 3 hundreds under the command of centurions - Santanye(centeniers), each of whom commanded thirties -trantagne(trenteniers). Each thirty was divided into 5 copies of 2 pikemen, 2 cooler and 2 crossbowmen each. The general leadership of the company infantry was carried out chef de pie(chef de pied). Mounted archers along La Marche were reduced to 4 squadrons of 75 people each. On the campaign and in battle, these units operated separately from the gendarmes.

Unfortunately, neither the authors of the Saint-Maximin Ordinance nor La Marche indicate how the positions of commanders of squadrons, chambers, hundreds and thirty in a company correlated. It remains only to assume that some of them were combined. For example, the commander of the first squadron concurrently was a lieutenant (deputy conducto) of the company, the commander of the second squadron concurrently commanded all the gendarmes and revelers of the company, the commander of the third squadron controlled all the archers, and the commander of the fourth squadron commanded the infantrymen, i.e. combined the position of chefdepie. Each of the 4 squadrons of gendarmes may have been commanded by lieutenants (deputies) of squadron commanders from among the commanders of the chambers. Other commanders of the chambers could concurrently hold the positions of commanders of squadrons of archers and infantry thirty. The total number of commanders of various levels in the company, including conducto, according to La Marche, was 24 (5 for gendarmes, 5 for archers, 13 for foot soldiers). Based on the premise that all command positions were occupied by gendarmes, we must admit that in this case at least 18 heavy cavalrymen of the company (commanders of archers and infantrymen) during the battle were distracted by solving tasks that were not typical for cavalry.

One way or another, such a multi-layered and cumbersome system of company hierarchy, apparently, greatly complicated the process of managing people during the march and battle. Each of the infantrymen and archers of the company had several immediate superiors: during the battle they were commanded by some people, on the march by others, and others were sent on vacation. The Burgundian military functionaries could not help but understand that the lower administrative unit “spear” inherited from the Middle Ages, which united fighters called upon to solve completely different tasks on the battlefield, was hopelessly outdated. There was obviously only one way out of the administrative-tactical impasse: it was necessary to divide the company soldiers into 3 administratively independent parts - cavalry, archers and foot soldiers. However, this process, due to objective reasons, dragged on until 1476, when it was too late to change anything.

In May 1476, in Lausanne, Charles the Bold issued another military ordinance, in which he finally tried to eliminate the administrative-tactical contradiction arising from the isolated position of the infantry. From now on, the infantrymen were completely withdrawn from the companies and formed separate infantry detachments (enfants pied, only 4) of 1,000 people each. Each detachment was divided into hundreds, under the command of a Santanye. Hundreds divided into quarters quarts under command quartonier(cuartonniers). The quarts were divided into chambers of 6 people (probably 2 pikemen, 2 culveriners and 2 crossbowmen or archers), commanded by chef de chambres. In battle, infantry detachments were divided into two parts of 500 people each and were built in two lines, one after the other. According to the Ordinance of Lausanne, the companies consisted of 100 spears and 300 archers. At the same time, the archers received an organization separate from the gendarmes and were divided, like infantrymen, into hundreds, quarts and chambers. The division of the gendarmes retained the features prescribed in the Saint-Maximin Ordinance: 6 spears (in 1 spear - a gendarme, a reveler and a page) made up a chamber, 4 chambers made up a squadron, 4 squadrons represented the company's cavalry.

The ordinance was mostly devoted to tactical (battle formation, marching order, field camp arrangement) and disciplinary issues:

“Under pain of death, the duke forbids any person, no matter what rank and position he may be, to leave the quarter of the camp, which was assigned to him as an apartment, or to leave his detachment during the campaign, even in the absence of the enemy. It is also forbidden to take food and other supplies without paying a certain amount; so it should be done in an enemy country. Our amiable Englishmen, whose service /duke/ values, should not be subjected to insults or other harassment. The women and children of the enemy should be treated with respect. Rape is punishable by death. Also, under / fear / severe punishment, soldiers are forbidden to swear in the name of God, the Holy Evangelists and blaspheme. All women of easy virtue must leave the camp before the start of hostilities.

The Ordinance of Lausanne (preserved in Italian translation thanks to a copy dated May 13 by the Milanese ambassador Giacomo Panigarola) was the last major military decree of Charles the Bold known today. Only indirect evidence has survived of the subsequent reorganization of the Burgundian army.

So, according to the reports of the military treasury, Charles the Bold in 1476 carried out the final division of his troops according to the types of weapons. All gendarmes were consolidated into 12 companies of heavy cavalry (100 fighters per company), all mounted archers - into 24 companies of light cavalry (100 fighters per company). Ordinance infantry was reduced to three corps of 1000 fighters. Corps were still divided into hundreds, quarters and chambers.

3. The process of forming ordinance companies.

In fact, the conductos appointed by the duke put the companies into operation a year after their appointment. For example, throughout 1471, the ordinance companies were replenished with recruits and gradually brought their quantitative composition closer to the declared standards, which were officially announced in the Abbville Ordinance. Thus, the composition of the company of Olivier de La Marche, stationed in January 1472 in Abbville, included 9 disagnes, 10 chef de chambres, 79 gendarmes, 293 horse archers and 160 infantrymen (94 pikemen, 34 coulevriniers, 10 crossbowmen and 22 foot archers). Gradually, the company of La Marche was understaffed and got into operation (see table data).

TABLE. The painting of the personnel of companies Nos. 1, 2, 3 for 1472

company number	Conducto	Spears about three horses	Mounted archers	pikemen	Culevrinje	Foot shooters	Total
	Olivier de La Marche
	Jacques de Garchier
	Jean de La Vieville

The companies were formed from volunteers who arrived at collection points, passed the verification commission and were enrolled in the unit.

So, in the register of the arrival of recruits for the formation of company No. 18 (conducto Jacques de Dommarien), who led the bails of Aval Gui d'Uzi, for three days in February 1473 it was stated:

• February 18: 1 gendarme with 4 horses, 4 Picardy archers;
• February 19: 6 gendarmes, each with 4 horses (2 gendarmes from Burgundy, 2 from Lorraine and 2 from Picardy), 2 Lorraine crossbowmen;
• February 20: 2 gendarmes, each with 4 horses, a squire from Châtillon with 4 horses, etc.
• On March 15, 1473, the duke's commissioners checked how the recruitment of company No. 19 (conducto Jean de Jocourt, seigneur de Villarnoy) was progressing: 44 gendarmes and cranequines, mostly from Savoy. Also, in the completed company, 2 of the 4 positions of the chief squadron were occupied - by Antoine de Sallenovo (in 1476 he would lead company No. 10), a knight, and Jacques de La Sera, a squire. At the same time, another part of the company being formed was garrisoned in the Châtillon castle.

The understaffing of volunteers could be covered by feudal conscription. For example, in 1475-1476. the nobles of Walloon Flanders put up an airbahn for combat operations in Lorraine, as well as to saturate the garrison units in Picardy. The document contains the following entry:

“Seigneur de Wavrin, an old knight, wishing to serve the monsignor / duke /, sent his bastard to Lorraine, accompanied by three gendarmes and six horse archers; of these, six archers were sent to Saint-Quentin in an ordinance under the command of Monsignor de Ravenstein.

Probably, we are talking about the ordinance company No. 6, whose commander, Bernard de Ravenstein, reinforced the composition of his shooters at the expense of the feudal militia.

By the end of 1475, the ordinance troops of Burgundy (including the Italian contingents) included 20 companies. In addition to the above compounds, the following were added:

• the Burgundian company of Josse de Lalen;
• the Burgundian company of Louis de Soissons;
• the Italian company of Nicola de Montfort;
• the Dutch company of Louis de Berlaymont (disbanded in 1475);
• the Italian company of Trualo da Rossano (in December 1475 it was transformed into the companies of Alessandro da Rossano and Giovanni Francesco da Rossano);
• the Burgundian company of Jean de Dommarien;
• the Savoyard company of Jean de Jaucourt;
• the Spanish-Portuguese company of Denis of Portugal;
• the English company of John Middleton (was transferred to the guard);
• the Italian company of Rogerono d'Akcrochchamuro;
• the Italian company of Pietro di Legnano;
• Italian company of Antonio di Legnano.

The composition of the companies, especially the Italian, Dutch and British contingents, often did not coincide with the declared standards. The English company originally consisted of 100 gendarmes and 1,600 archers. The company of Louis de Berlaymont consisted of 50 spears, 200 archers and 400 pikemen from Holland. Italian companies, as will be discussed below, also often did not meet the standards of numbers and composition. However, by December 1475, the number of company copies was brought to the standard hundred.

Despite the difficulties associated with recruiting and financing the ordinance army, its share in the armed forces of the principality has steadily increased. At the end of 1472, a little more than a third of the entire Burgundian army consisted of soldiers placed on a permanent monetary allowance. Thus, Chancellor Guillaume de Hugonne, in his report, indicated that the "Army of Burgundy" included 1,200 copies of ordinance, 1,000 copies of the feudal militia for the field army, and 800 - 1,000 copies of garrison troops. By the end of 1475, the regular army already accounted for two thirds of the entire armed forces of the principality and continued to increase its share. At the very beginning of 1476, three more ordinance companies were formed:

• the Italian company of Ludovico Tagliani;
• the Flemish company of Josse d'Ellune;
• Italian company D. Mariano.

4. Armament and equipment of ordinance companies.

The armament and equipment of the soldiers of the ordinance company was spelled out in detail in the Abbville Ordinance (the texts of the Boen-en-Vermandois and Saint-Maximin Ordinances slightly corrected the original standards):

“The gendarme must have a complete set of white harness, three good riding horses worth at least 30 ecu; he must have a war-saddle and a chanfrien, and on the sallet the feathers are half white, half blue, and the same on the chanfrien. Without prescribing armor for horses, the duke notes that he will be grateful to the gendarme who will get this / armor /

The gendarme's cutie must be armed with a steel breastplate or steel breastplate (?) on the outside and a brigandine on the inside; if he cannot have such armor, then he must have chain mail and a brigandine outside. In addition, he must have a sallet, /ringed/ necklace, small upper bracers, lower bracers, and /plate/ gloves or /plate/ gauntlets, depending on the armor he will use. He must have a good javelin or a half-spear with a hilt and stop, and with him a good sword of medium length, straight, which he can hold with one or two hands, as well as a good dagger sharpened on both sides and half a leg long

The archer must ride a horse worth at least 10 ecu, dressed in a jacque with a high collar replacing the /ringed/ necklace, and with good sleeves; he must have ringed clothing or a coat of chain mail under a jaque, which is /sewn/ from at least 12 layers of fabric, 3 of which are waxed, and 9 are simply sewn. To protect his head, he must have a good sallet without a visor; in addition to a strong bow and a bunch of 2 and a half dozen arrows, he should be armed with a long two-handed sword and a dagger sharpened on both sides and half a leg long

Foot cooler and crossbowman must have mail. The pikemen must have a choice between jaque and chain mail, and if he chooses chain mail, he must also have a breastplate (glacon) ”

Usually, the gendarme armed and supplied his assistant with a horse, and also supplied his page with a horse (sometimes gendarmes equipped archers). Warriors of all other listed categories were to arm themselves, mainly at their own expense. But there were also centralized supplies of weapons, mainly related to ammunition and siege equipment:

“The Artillery Service, which the Duke ordered to be ready by April 1, 1473, taking into account past purchases for this purpose, must provide:

200 wedges, 1,600 lead hammers without blade and tip, 1,000 other lead hammers with blade, tip, and hook, 4,000 spears, 600 spears, 600 wooden blanks /shafts/ for ash darts, 1,200 ash blanks for gunpowder shafts / priboynikov or shuffle? /, 600 blanks for semi-spears, of which 300 willow and 100 spruce, shuffle 800, 300 iron shovels, 150 iron shovels, 300 wooden shovels, 800 crowbars and 600 hoes, 500 axes of two types, 300 sickles of two kinds, 3,030 bows made of wood purchased by the duke and consisting of 4,300 blanks of yew wood, 600 old bows repaired, 600 feet of Antwerp rope, 100 sallets repaired, 253 huvettes (?), 287 wedges, 623 pairs /heads?/ spears, 172 chain mail, 172 gorgets, 80 hats, 98 crefs (?), 17 hand mills, 50 old bow shafts, 100 purchased new bow shafts, 50 cases with a lid and 100 other cases without a lid, in order to store the said arrows and bowstrings and spindles /i.e. arrows for krenikin /, 50 small boxes for packing pigs for serpentines, 15 lanterns, 200 wicks for lanterns, 80 carts, 200 repaired ribbed pavua, stored in Arras, covered with leather and oil painting in white and blue with a red cross of St. Andrew; procured 120 hanging/strap?/ pavois and 120 repaired others; purchased 4,000 Lombard-style shields painted in white and blue with a red cross of St. Andrew and gold fire flint, purchased 50 ribbed pavua painted in black to cover the sappers<…>»

In May 1476, Charles the Bold ordered several thousand pikes to be purchased from Lausanne for his army.

5. Unification of ordinance companies. Liveries and flags.

The mass clothing of the military contingents of medieval Europe, bearing one or another unification heraldic symbolism, is usually called liveries(livree, from lat. liberare - to free, endow). In French texts of the second half of the 15th century. we find analogues of this term - coat(paletot or paltot) and journade (journades). One or another type of clothing, endowed with heraldic symbols, also turned into a livery. Therefore, in the chronicles and archival documents there are many references to livery robes, jackets, hooks, aketons (octons), etc.

The main unification sign placed on the liveries and weapons of the Burgundian soldiers in the 15th century was the St. Andrew's Cross, first red (under Jean the Fearless), then white (under Philip the Good) and red again (under Charles the Bold). La Marche, in his Memoirs, gave a legendary story about how the St. Andrew's Cross became the main symbol of the Burgundian rulers:

“After the death of the first Christian king of Burgundy, Étienne, his son, reigned, who was king of Burgundy for fifty years. Obeying the will of the Magdalene / those. New Testament Mary Magdalene/ and being a good Catholic, he ordered the cross to be delivered from Marseilles, on which the sacred body of the lord of St. Andrew was crucified ... And as a sign of admiration for the Lord and respect for St. Andrew, this king Etienne raised this cross over his army in many battles and wars. Since that time, it has become customary for the Burgundians to honor the cross of St. Andrew with their sign.

In fact, a particle of the cross of St. Andrew appeared in Burgundy under Philip the Brave, who received this relic from the monastery of Saint-Victor in Marseille. The image of the St. Andrew's Cross, as a military unification sign, may have been used for the first time by the Burgundians at the Battle of Ota (1408). More accurate information regarding the use of the image of the scarlet St. Andrew's cross by the Burgundian soldiers dates back to 1411, when an open armed struggle began between the Armagnac and Bourguignon parties. At the same time, the French royal troops, supporting the Burgundians, "removed from themselves a straight white cross, which was the true sign of the king, and adopted the cross of St. Andrew, the motto of the Duke of Burgundy"

In article No. 33 of the Treaty of Arras (1435), the French king officially recognized the right of the Burgundian soldiers to wear the cross of St. Andrew, regardless of which united army they were currently in. If earlier the Burgundians, who fought in the ranks of the French royal army, were theoretically obliged to carry a straight white royal cross on their clothes and banners, then from now on, the "oblique" St. Andrew's cross, called "Burgundian", became their invariable emblem.

The cross could be made up of both straight crossbars and gnarled wands (the so-called "stumpy cross"). The last style of the cross probably served the purposes of political propaganda and reflected the emblem of Orleans in the form of a gnarled staff.

In 1471, the Ordinance of Abbville legitimized white and blue mi-parties and red St. Andrew's crosses among various military contingents of ordinance companies:

“Archers and revelers will receive from the duke for the first time a two-tone blue and white coat, divided by mi-parti, and then they should dress in this way at their own expense. They may put on these coats in the presence of a lieutenant and carry the captain's standard. The duke also grants the gendarmes for the first time the cross of St. Andrew of scarlet velvet, which they will attach to a white harness and which they will subsequently replace at their own expense.

Interestingly, the text of the ordinance does not contain a direct indication that red St. Andrew's crosses were sewn onto soldier's liveries. At the same time, there is a sufficient amount of written and pictorial evidence confirming the observance of the decree of 1435 on the mandatory wearing of the St. Andrew's Cross on soldier's clothes. For example, in 1472, the magistrate of Lille paid for the supply of fabric for the liveries of his militias sent to the contingent of the bastard of Burgundy: “the forty missing ons of cloth, half of them blue, half white, 14 sous 6 denier for one he(aun is a measure of length equal to approximately 1.2 m.) for the coats of forty archers, pikemen and pioneers ..., and one he and a half of scarlet / cloth / 16 sous per one he, to use for the cross of St. Andrew on these coats "

The ordinance companies, according to the report of the English Pursivan herald Blumenthal, who saw them in September 1472, had 3 flags each: "each one with spearmen / those. company of gendarmes / had a standard and two pannons, one pannon for the revelers riding in front, the second for the infantrymen and the standard for the spearmen.

In November 1472, the Boen-en-Vermandois ordinance structured the flags of the regular companies. The main company flag, as before, was the standard of the company commander - the conduct. On the campaign and during the battle, gendarmes and revelers gathered around him. There were also two guidons in the company: a large one for horse archers, and a small one for infantrymen. In addition, each of the 10 squadrons of the company had two cornets, probably also of different sizes: the first for mounted archers, the second for foot soldiers. Thus, the company should have had 20 cornets, 2 guidons and 1 standard.

In 1473, the Saint-Maximin Ordinance changed and at the same time streamlined the use of flags in ordinance companies:

“Flags of different conductos will be different colors. The cornets of each company will be the same color. First / those. cornet of the first of four squadrons of the company / will carry a large golden C, the second - two CCs, the third - three CCCs, the fourth - four CCCCs. Cell commanders' parcels / four in each squadron / will be the same color as the squadron's cornets. The first parcel of the first cornet will bear one C in gold and below 1; one C and below 2 will be applied on the second parcel; on the third - one C and below 3; on the fourth - one C and below 4. The parcel of the second cornet or squadron will carry four times two SSs and below the numbers 1,2,3,4, according to the chambers. The parcels of the third squadron will all carry three CCCs and below, according to the cameras, numbers 1,2,3,4. The parcels of the fourth squadron will carry four SSSSs and, according to the cameras, the numbers 1,2,3,4.

In addition to 4 cornets and 16 parcels attached to the helmets of the chamber commanders, each company had a main standard and one guidon. According to La Marche, in 1474 gendarmes and revelers gathered under the standard on a campaign and in battle, and horse archers under a guidon. La Marche made his recording in the Burgundian siege camp near the Neuss. Another valuable eyewitness account dates back to this time:

“At that time, the duke had a large standard with the image of St. George, as well as various guidons and cornets for parts of the court troops, archers of the guard and twenty ordinance companies; the standard of the first company was golden with the image of St. Sebastian, as well as the motto of the duke, flint, steel, flame and the cross of St. Andrew. 2 - image of St. Adrian in an azure field, 3 - image of St. Christopher in a silver field, 4 - St. Antoine in a red field, 5 - St. Nicholas in a green field, 6 - St. John the Evangelist in a black field, 7 - St. Martin in blood red, 8 - St. Hubert in gray, 9 - St. Catherine in white, 10 - St. Julian in purple, 11 - St. Margaret in beige, 12 - St. Avoy in yellow, 13 - St. Andrew in black and purple, 14 - St. Etienne in green and black, 15 - St. Peter in red and green, 16 - St. Anne in blue and purple, 17 - St. James in blue and gold, 18 - St. Magdalene in yellow and blue, 19 - St. Jeremiah in blue and silver, 20 - St. Lawrence in white and green.

Rice. 6, 7. Standards and cornets of the Burgundian ordinance companies, 1472-1475

Based on the above text, as well as an analysis of the surviving Burgundian flags and their painted copies, we can conclude that a certain “patronizing” saint was assigned to each ordinance company - a practice that was generally common for European armies of that time: suffice it to recall " Detachment of St. George ”and“ Detachment of the Banner of St. George ”of the Italian condottieri Visconti, Landau, Urslingen and Barbiano, the brotherhood of crossbowmen of St. George, the archers of St. Sebastian and the courier of St. Barbara of the Flemish and Belgian city communes or the French ordinance companies that were under "heavenly patronage" of St. Michael.

Another invariable component of the company flags was the motto and flint - either with the cross of St. Andrew (on the standards of the gendarmes and cornets of infantrymen?), Or crossed arrows (on guidons and cornets of archers?) Which demonstrated the company's belonging to the House of Burgundy. The company conducto, if it was a banner, brought only its own “livery” color to the regulated “pattern” of its unit - in this vein, in my opinion, the phrase of the ordinance should be interpreted: "Flags of different conductos will be of different colors." So, for example, in the post of conductor of company No. 13 (Probably, St. Andrew) in the period from 1472 to 1477. Three people managed to visit: Philippe de Poitiers, Jean de Longueval and Fanaseoro di Capua. At least three times the colors of the flags of St. Andrew changed: black and purple, white and blue and yellow and white. At least three times the colors of the flags of St. Peter changed: red-green, green and red. At the same time, it is known that in the position of conductor of company No. 15 (probably St. Peter) in the period from 1473 to 1477. Valerand de Soissons, Ludovic de Soissons, and Philippe de Loyette stayed in turn.

In the "Lucerne Book of Flags" (Bern Historical Museum), 4 identical white and blue guidons of St. Anna, St. Trinity, St. Hubert and St. Andrew, captured at Murten, are copied. What caused such an extraordinary, emphatically ducal coloring of the flags? It remains only to guess.

Another mystery: the vast majority of Burgundian cornets known today are contrary to the provisions of the Saint-Maximin Ordinance. Contemporary researcher Nicolas Michel wrote in this regard:

“Unfortunately, the author did not find a single flag on which the numbers and letters denoting the company and squadron would be applied in strict accordance with the rules set forth in the ordinance 1473; perhaps by the time the flags were captured, these rules had been changed, or in the 17th century the artist copied the symbols incorrectly.

At the same time, the Burgundian flags are clearly subordinate to a certain system. So, many of them depict regulated symbols in the form of letters “C”, Latin numerals and small rhombuses (I will denote them with the symbol *): the cornet of St. James the Younger “*I**”, the cornet of St. Bartholomew “C”, cornet of St. Andrew "VIIJ", cornet of St. Philip "C / VI" (red field), another cornet of St. Philip "C / * III *" (white field), two white and blue cornets (gidon?) George (?) "*III*" and "II".

The Friborg Book of Flags (Friborg Archive) contains an image of a Burgundian cornet (or its fragment), on the red field of which, immediately after the golden St. Andrew's cross, three interlaced letters "C" are placed. This flag, and even, perhaps, the aforementioned cornet of St. Bartholomew, can only be considered as examples of more or less exact execution of the prescriptions of the Saint-Maximin Ordinance. The numbers "VIIJ" and "VI" indicate that there were clearly more cornets than regulated 4. The fact that the prescriptions of the Saint-Maximin decree regarding the typification of flags in the company and their practical use were not implemented already in 1474, wrote O. de La Marche , who himself during the indicated period was the conductor of company No. 1:

“Each company has three ranks of infantrymen, there is a captain, a mounted gendarme and a port-ensin (port-enseigne, that is, a standard bearer) with a guidon; and for every hundred people there is a mounted gendarme centurion who carries another, shorter flag-anseigne (enseigne) ”

La Marche also noted that the company horse archers were brought together in 4 squadrons of 75 people each and had a common guidon. Thus, according to La Marche, the ordinance Burgundian company of the 1474 model had the following flags: 1 standard of gendarmes, 1 guidon of horse archers, 1 guidon of foot soldiers and 3 ansen (probably larger cornets) of infantry "hundreds". If we assume that each infantry hundred, in accordance with its administrative division, had 3 smaller cornets not indicated by La Marche, then the number of flags in the company infantry will increase to 12. In this case, the presence of the number "VIIJ" on the cornet of St. Andrew can be explained .

6. Field camp of ordinance companies.

A sharp surge in Burgundian military activity, coinciding with the reign of Charles the Bold, forced the Burgundian army to spend a significant amount of time in field camps. As a result, the importance of tent and tent services led by master of awnings. Noting the importance of the aforesaid service and the great responsibility of its chief, O. de La Marche wrote:

“The duke pays a good thousand awnings and a thousand pavilions for his companies, for receiving foreign ambassadors, for the servants and gendarmes of the Duke's Hotel; and for each campaign, the master of tents prepares new awnings and new pavilions with funds / allocated / by the prince; the maintenance of the teams alone, the work and the purchase of fabric cost more than thirty thousand livres.

Temporary dwellings for field conditions were divided into:

• awnings(tentes) - vertically oriented tents with a round or oval base, with one, less often, two central support poles;
• awnings(tentelletes) - smaller tents, often with a square or rectangular base;;i>
• pavilions or pavilions(pavillons) - horizontally oriented tents with two or more main support poles.

The variety of names of temporary camp dwellings is reflected in numerous documents of that era. So, in the accounting sheet of the Lille arsenal for 1473, "renovated old tents and pavilions, 271 purchased square pavilions, 32 tents, a wooden house for the duke, two pavilions for the duke of Brittany, a stable for the said duke"

For the Lorraine campaign of 1475, the Burgundian army was sent “the house of the duke, for / transportation / of which 7 wagons are needed, 3 pavilions, an awning for the duke, 400 pavilions for the ordinance companies and gentlemen of the services of the Duke's Hotel, 350 new stables, 26 tents with two poles, 7 pieces of awnings for the duke's stable, 2 awnings for sentries, 16 pieces of other awnings and pavilions for masters.

In 1476, "600 small tents and pavilions, 100 square pavilions, 2 wooden houses, 130 square tents, 50 square tents, 6 large tents and 6 large square pavilions, and another wooden house"

The number of people and horses placed in standard army tents and stable tents is easily calculated, thanks to an archival record from 1473: “In addition, the duke ordered to proceed from the calculation of 20 pavilions for 100 copies and one / pavilion / for conducto, the cost of which would be 2,804 florins, and for each company of 100 copies, 101 stables, each for 6 horses, which in total for 16 the mouth is 1616 stables, the price of which, at the rate of 20 florins per stable, will be about 32,320 florins. Based on the prescribed size of the ordinance company of 900 people (800 combatants and 100 servants), it turns out that 1 pavilion was designed for 45 people.

Judging by the miniatures and engravings of that era (especially worth noting is the series of prints by V. A. Krjus “Pavilions and awnings of the Duke of Burgundy” and the miniatures from the “Chronicles” of Schilling and Chodolaire, which, all together, depict precisely the Burgundian field camps), as well as surviving invoices for the work of the Burgundian artist Jean Annekar, the outer layer of tents and tents could be painted with oil paints or tempera. Most often they depicted the cross of St. Andrew and a flint and flint with flames. The tents of noblemen could carry images of their coats of arms. Bright pannonso pennons made of silk (for the nobility) or linen were fixed on the flagpoles.

The canopies of tents and tents consisted of separate parts - the roof and the walls laced to it (later the roof and walls were sewn together). The central poles were dug into the ground with their bases and reinforced with stretch marks from ropes. Stretch marks could be placed both inside the tent (this is clearly seen in the engraving by V. A. Kryus “Tent”), and outside. Several dozens of Burgundian rope bays for camping have been preserved (the Swiss mistakenly took them for ropes for tying prisoners) - in the Historical Museum of Thun and in the Historical Museum in the Town Hall of Lucerne (inv. No. 877). The ropes are woven from hemp threads, their average length is 14 m. During the Lorraine campaign of 1475, the Burgundian army was accompanied "2 other comrades to carry 4 gates for stretching awnings, 20 carpenters for awnings and pavilions, 200 other awning installers." On the campaign, tents and pavilions were stored in canvas bags.

The Ordinance of Lausanne (1476) spelled out the order of setting up a field camp and its internal structure. Obviously, Charles the Bold created this decree, being impressed by the ancient descriptions of the field camp of the Roman army:

"The quartermaster is responsible for quartering the army in the following order:

Each of the parts of the camp assigned to one of the army corps, first of all, should be divided into two separate quarters for two battle lines, each of these quarters should be divided into three parts, the first two for the companies and the third for the foot soldiers of each battle line. In addition, the conductos must place separately the gendarmes and separately the archers of their company, distributed among the squadrons and chambers. Foot soldiers must also live in hundreds, divided into quarts of 25

Housing will be arranged for each senior commander in the center of his army corps, captains will be settled in the center of their battle lines, company commanders in the center of their companies, squadron commanders in the center of their squadrons, and chamber commanders in the center of their detachments.

Often the Burgundian camp was surrounded by coupled wagons, which formed a fortified perimeter - wagenburg(German Wagenburg). Burgundian wagenburgs are known, which were installed near Versailles (1417), Rupelmonde (1452), Montlhéry (1465), Neisse (1475), Lausanne and Murten (1476). Here is what the Burgundian Wagenburg looked like under Ecluse (Sluys) (1468) in the description of Georges Chatellin:

“The camp was superbly organized like no other in the world; it looked like a big city, in which tents formed streets and crossroads, with squares and markets where merchants sold their goods; and with taverns, as in Paris. The walls built from wagons were very carefully guarded by armed people, so that no one dared to approach them.

For every night, the Wagenburg guard received a “night call” and a password:

• Sunday - "Jesus Christ";
• Monday - "Virgin Mary";
• Tuesday - St. Mark";
• Wednesday - St. John the Theologian";
• Thursday - St. Jacob";
• Friday - "Holy Cross";
• Saturday - St. Nicholas."

7. Italian companies.

In the system of the ordinance army of Charles the Bold, companies consisting of Italian mercenaries occupied a special place.

In 1465, two Neapolitan condottieres Nicola de Montfort, Comte de Campobasso, and Giacomo Galeotto, whose detachments were part of the contingent of Charles the Bold's ally Jean of Calabria, Duke of Lorraine, helped the Burgundians besiege Paris.

In 1471, the ranks of the Burgundian army were replenished with contingents of Italian mercenaries under the leadership of the brothers Antonio de Corradi di Legnano and Pietro de Piemonte di Legnano. From February to April 1472, the company of Antonio, the eldest of the brothers, consisting of 100 spears, was stationed in the Picardy city of Corby, on the border with France.

It should be noted that initially Charles the Bold estimated the Italian mercenaries as the most disciplined, experienced and warlike soldiers in Europe. Fascinated by ancient history and the exploits of Alexander the Great, Hannibal, Pompey and Caesar, the Duke of Burgundy expected to see in Italian soldiers the descendants of invincible Roman legionnaires. It is no coincidence that Charles the Bold negotiated with the government of Venice regarding the possibility of recruiting the famous Venetian condottiere Bartolomeo di Colleoni, who, as planned, was supposed to "Bring 1,000 Italian gendarmes and 1,500 infantry to serve the Duke of Burgundy for three years." Negotiations continued for two years, until they finally reached an impasse.

On September 29, 1472, Charles the Bold signed a contract with the Neapolitan condottiere Trualo de Muro da Rossano, who led the Italian company in the Burgundian service, consisting of 150 "Italian copies"(in 1 spear - 1 gendarme, 2 revelers, 2 armed servants and 1 page), 100 mounted crossbowmen and 200 foot soldiers - provide.

The contract, drawn up in Latin, signed the armament of the soldiers, their salary and the timing of the company's completion. The gendarme was supposed to have full armor of the “Italian type” with a plume on the helmet, the cuties were armed with salad helmets, cuirasses, bracers and darts, one of the armed servants also wore a cuirass. The service charge was set at the following rates:

• gendarme - 30 francs;
• equestrian crossbowman - 7.5 francs;
• infantryman - 6 francs.

The monthly salary of Trualo da Rossano himself (“the conducto and the captain of the Italian company”) was 100 ecu (150 francs 32 sous). At the same time, in January 1473, Rossano was to receive a loan of 21,500 ecu to complete the company. In addition, a number of details were prescribed in the contract. So the two sons of Trualo, Alessandro and Giovanni Francesco, took command of the detachments of 50 spears from the father's company, the company itself had to leave Italy before March 1, 1473 and on April 1 stand under the Burgundian banners.

Rossano met the deadlines prescribed in the contract, in the spring of 1473 he led the formed company to Burgundy and, in accordance with the instructions of the duke's commissioners, occupied apartments in the city of Salins and its environs.

Simultaneously with Rossano's company, under the Burgundian banners, 100 Italian spears "about six horses" by Giacomo de Vichy, Comte de Saint-Martin, stood up. On November 10, 1472, Charles the Bold signed a contract with the Count of Campobasso, who entered the Burgundian service as the captain of the largest Italian mercenary contingent. In January 1473, an old colleague of Campobasso Giacomo Galeotto signed a similar contract with the Duke of Burgundy. At the same time, Galeotto brought with him detachments of condottieri personally selected by him Olivero da Sommo, Giacomo da Mantua, Antonello di Verona and others.

Burgundian officials periodically reviewed the Italian companies, comparing the actual strength with that specified in the contract. So, on May 29, 1474, a review of the Rossano company was held in Montjustin, which revealed 96 spears “about six horses” (instead of the 150 prescribed by the state), 128 horse crossbowmen (instead of 100) and 333 infantrymen (instead of 200). The captain general of Burgundy, Claude de Neufchatel, who led the inspection, pointed out to Rossano the discrepancies that made it difficult to pay for the service. Subsequently, Rossano corrected the situation and brought the strength of the company in line with the contract schedule.

On June 7 of the same year, a review of the Comte de Saint-Martin company was held in Lux, which revealed 102 gendarmes (instead of the prescribed 100). However, at the same time, for each gendarme there were not 5 auxilia assistants, but much less (instead of the 600 horses prescribed by the state, only 512 horses turned out to be available). Saint-Martin explained the shortage of people and horses by the fact that some of the soldiers deserted because they were dissatisfied with the six-month delay in paying salaries (according to the contract, it was supposed to be calculated once every 3 months). As a result, the General financier of Burgundy, Jean Vury, allocated money only to pay for the service of 86 spears from the Saint-Martin company.

At the beginning of June 1475, inspections of mercenary Italian contingents were held near the Neisse. In the company of Campobasso, 237 gendarmes, 132 mounted crossbowmen and 164 infantrymen were in service. In the company of Galeotto, the check revealed 144 gendarmes, 294 infantrymen and 25 non-combatants. The company of Saint-Martin was brought up to the standard strength of 100 spears "about six horses" and 300 archers. 27 German coulevriniers and 13 non-combatants were assigned to it. The companies of Rogerono d'Akcrochchamuro, Count de Celano, and the Legnano brothers were also brought to the standard composition. Moreover, this was done at the expense of the strength of the Campobasso detachment. The latter lost not only his soldiers, but also the privileged position of the captain of the largest mercenary contingent and, of course, the main material incentive of any mercenary - money. Probably the echoes of the resentment of Count Campobasso, associated with the returbation of his company near Neisse, played an important role in the tragic events that unfolded in the vicinity of Nancy in late 1476 - early 1477.

According to the list dated May 29, 1474, among the 242 soldiers of the Rossano company, marked with names, mainly Lombards, there were 7 Germans, 7 Slavs, 5 Savoys, 3 Greeks, 2 Burgundians and 2 Spaniards. Most of the actual Italian cavalry contingent consisted of residents of cities such as Milan (19 people), Venice (16 people), Verona (10 people), Cremona (8 people), Parma (8 people), Brescia (7 people), Pavia (7 people), etc. In the service records, only the name of the gendarme and his place of birth were often noted, for example: Jacobo from Verona, Laurenzio from Modena, Salvator from Novara, Gianni from Brescia, Carlos from Ferrara, Francisco from Verona, Paolo from Modena. There were also very simple options: Domenico-Lombard, Florentine, Modenets.

Based on the surviving archival data, it is possible to trace the combat path of certain Italian companies in the Burgundian service. Thus, Rossano's company was stationed in Burgundy from April 1473, having its headquarters in Zalen. In January 1474, the company was garrisoned in Ranev, after which it departed for Nivernais, where it opposed the French invasion forces. On November 14, 1474, together with the company of Antonio di Legnano, Rossano's soldiers participated in an unsuccessful battle near Héricourt. The following spring, Rossano's company met in the vicinity of Pontaille, where it fought with the Swiss. Rossano himself, with 30 spears, was garrisoned in the frontier fortress of Château-Lambert. In September 1475, the company took part in the Lorraine campaign as part of the corps of Antoine of Burgundy.

In December, on the basis of the disbanded Rossano company, two new companies were created under the command of his sons, Alessandro and Giovanni Francesco. On March 2, these companies took part in the battle of Grandson, and then, along with the rest of the Burgundian army, were concentrated near Lausanne. Trualo da Rossano himself was appointed captain of the battle, which included the companies of both his sons and a detachment of 1000 infantry. During the battle of Murten, the Italian companies suffered heavy losses (up to 2/3 of the personnel, according to Panigarola). The company of Giovanni Francesco was also defeated, and the company commander himself died.

After the break of the alliance between Burgundy and Milan (August 9, 1476), Trualo returned to Italy. His son Alessandro, commanding a company, survived the disaster at Nancy, after which he entered into a contract with the heiress of Charles the Bold, Maria, and continued to serve under the Burgundian banners.

A close acquaintance with the Italian mercenaries soon freed Charles the Bold from illusions about them. The Lombards turned out to be ordinary "soldiers of fortune", no better and no worse than others, greedy, unbridled and not as warlike as the duke wanted. Among the mercenaries there were many criminals hiding from Italian justice under the cross of St. Andrew. Some of them tried to elude the vendetta that awaited him at home, some simply wanted to make money without risking their own skin too much.

The very first defeat of Charles the Bold at the Battle of Granson led to a massive desertion of Italian mercenaries. The Duke tried to combat this by introducing a system of fines. However, the deductions from the salary, which was already paid extremely inaccurately, embittered the remaining soldiers and captains. After Granson, Count Giberto da Correggio deserted, taking with him 50 spears. After Murten, Ludovico Tagliani deserted, having managed to thwart the Burgundian plan to kidnap Philibert, the young Duke of Savoy.

The stationed Italian companies often became the scourge of God for the surrounding inhabitants. So, in 1474, the magistrate of Dijon flatly refused to place a Lombard garrison in the city, and also demanded compensation for the atrocities committed by soldiers from the company of Trualo da Rossano. In April of the following year, the Lombards, armed to the teeth, recaptured one of their compatriots, accused of robbery, from the prison guards of Dijon.

However, in the last years of the Burgundian Wars, Italian mercenary companies became the most significant part of the army of Charles the Bold, paying for the defeat of the duke with the greatest loss of personnel.

8. Evaluation of the combat qualities of the ordinance companies of Charles the Bold.

In general, the national composition of the ordinance army of Charles the Bold, as already mentioned above, was very diverse. Actually, the Burgundian element was strongly "diluted" by the Flemings, Picards, Gennegausians, Dutch, Savoys, Spaniards, Portuguese, English and Italians (Lombards), and among the latter there were even Moors.

Such a multinational composition had an extremely negative effect on discipline and the degree of interaction in battle. It can be said with certainty that the Burgundian army was corroded by deep internal contradictions, which sharply reduced its combat effectiveness. This was especially evident in long-term parking and during the siege. So, the Picards refused to live in a joint camp with the Italians, accusing the latter of being addicted to sodomy. At the same time, there were eyewitnesses who claimed that the corpses of the Lombards allegedly smelled terrible.

The British, distinguished by their athletic build and cocky disposition, staged repeated soldier riots and fights with fighters of other nationalities. Charles the Bold almost became a victim of one of these fights, which happened in the camp near Neisse, after that the British themselves were killed throughout the camp, and their property was robbed.

In the Lausanne camp in May 1476 there was a massive brawl between the Lombards on the one hand and the English, Picards and Guelders on the other. At the same time, the "allies" planned to completely destroy the Italian quarter of the camp. Panigarola noted with horror in his reports that every day in the Burgundian camp someone was certainly killed, and that he himself feared for his life.

The Burgundian army appeared before the gaze of observers far from military everyday life as a grandiose military machine: trellises of gendarmes in armor sparkling in the sun, squads of archers in uniform liveries, first-class artillery, a forest of colorful silk banners splashing in the wind, the sounds of trumpets and drumming, a snow-white blanket of tents and the tents of gigantic field camps larger than many European cities! But behind the brilliant façade, disastrous metastases of decay and interethnic hostility were hidden. Therefore, the Burgundian army, crowded with mercenaries who did not receive their salaries on time and hated each other, became an easy prey for homogeneous national militias of an enemy less experienced in military affairs.

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A spear

A SPEAR

1. A SPEAR, -I; pl. spears, -drink, -drink; cf. A piercing or throwing weapon consisting of a long shaft with a sharp metal tip. Pierce with a spear. Arm yourself with spears. Javelin-throwing(type of athletics).

◊ Break spears. To argue passionately about smth., defend, defend smth.

◁ Spear, -a; cf. Decrease

2. A SPEAR, -I; cf.

◊ Without spear. Expand-decrease Without a penny, without money at all. Not a spear (no). Expand-decrease Not a penny of money, nothing, not at all.

a spear

1) piercing weapon - a shaft with a stone, bone or metal tip. Known since the Paleolithic. In the ancient world and in the Middle Ages - the main weapon of the infantry and cavalry. 2) Athletics projectile for throwing; wooden or metal shaft with a sharp tip; length 2.6-2.7 m (for men) and 2.2-2.3 m (for women), weight 0.8 and 0.6 kg (respectively).

A SPEAR

SPEAR, a cold, piercing or throwing weapon - a shaft with a stone, bone or metal tip, with a total length of one and a half to five meters.
The spear has been known since the Early Paleolithic and was originally a pointed stick, later a stone tip was tied to the shaft. In the Bronze Age, metal tips appear, the way the tip is attached to the shaft has changed; if in the Stone Age it was tied on the outside of the shaft by the shank, then in the Bronze Age the tip was either put on the shaft, or wedged the shaft itself. In addition, in the presence of external ring-shaped lugs, the tip was tied to the shaft with a cord.
In ancient Rus', the spear was one of the most common types of weapons. The Old Russian spear consisted of a shaft - a ratovishch and an iron or damask tip, consisting, in turn, of a feather (blade (cm. BLADE)), thulei (tubes where the shaft is inserted), necks (between the thule and the feather). Later, Russian copies had an apple - an extension on the neck. The pointed iron fitting at the end of the shaft, which served to rest against the ground, is called the inflow. To fasten the ratovish with the tip, two round holes were usually made in the tulle, into which nails were driven - studs. Russian spears of the 11th-14th centuries were mostly flat, leaf-shaped. During this period, spears with a stinger point were much less common and are associated by archaeologists with the cultures of the Siberian and Finno-Ugric peoples. Long faceted spears have been widely used in Russia since the 16th century due to the strengthening of chain mail. (cm. Mail) on the chest and back with solid metal plates - mirrors. In the 16th century, aids, or veins, began to be pulled from the spear's tulle, reinforcing the spear shaft in the upper part. They especially intensified in the 17th century, when the Russian spear entered service with the spear companies of the new system.

encyclopedic Dictionary. 2009 .

Synonyms:

See what "spear" is in other dictionaries:

Mining, and; pl. copy it... Russian word stress

See Kopi... encyclopedic Dictionary

a spear- spear / ё [y / o] ... Morphemic spelling dictionary

Russian toponym. Kopyevo is a village in the Kologrivsky district of the Kostroma region (OKATO 34 212 824 003). Kopyevo is a village in the Muromtsevsky district of the Omsk region (OKATO 52 234 822 003). Kopyovo is an urban-type settlement, the administrative center ... ... Wikipedia

SPEAR1 Take / take on a spear what. Razg. Obsolete Grab something. storm, attack. F 1, 255. Yegoriev spear. Sib. Field wild carnation. SPS, 69. Fight with spears. Sib. Zealously defend someone l., that l. FSS, 12; SRNG 14, 307. Break (break ... Big dictionary of Russian sayings

Explanatory Dictionary of Ushakov

1. SPEAR1, spears, pl. spears, spears, cf. A piercing weapon consisting of a long shaft with a metal point; same as pica. In ancient times, warriors were armed with spears. Javelin throwing (one of the types of sports exercises). ❖ Spears to break because of ... ... Explanatory Dictionary of Ushakov

Spear, spears, spears, spears, spears, spears, spears, spears, spears, spears, spears (Source: "Full accentuated paradigm according to A. A. Zaliznyak") ... Forms of words

a spear- spear spear, spear ... Dictionary of the use of the letter Yo

KOP, mine, female. see copy. Explanatory Dictionary of Ushakov. D.N. Ushakov. 1935 1940 ... Explanatory Dictionary of Ushakov

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