The theory of socio-economic formations of K. Marx
Definition 1
The formational approach is a socio-philosophical theory that considers the process of development of society from the position of analyzing the processes of its material production, as well as social relations built around it.
Basic concepts of formation theory
The theory of socio-economic formations was developed by K. Marx and F. Engels, using materialistic dialectics as a method for analyzing socio-historical processes. Unlike other theories of social development (idealistic dialectics of Hegel, civilizational approaches), formational theory relies on a completely materialistic understanding of both society itself and the historical process, as well as the criteria for its development, which become concretely measurable quantities.
Formation theory understands society as a set of social relations that arise between people in the process of their joint activities and are fixed in time, forming social institutions. At the same time, two global structural units are distinguished in society, to which all existing social relations are reduced:
- basis,
- superstructure.
The basis is a set of social relations and processes centered around material production. Marx and Engels rightly point out that no society can exist without material production, and stopping it would invariably lead to the death of society as such.
The superstructure is a set of political, religious and cultural institutions that fix a certain distribution of roles in society, corresponding to the level of development of the base. Marx and Engels distinguish two fundamental social strata in society, which they call classes - this is the class of exploiters and the class of the exploited. The differences between these classes lie in their relationship to the means of production. While the exploiting class has the right of ownership of the means of production and receives surplus income through the use of this right, the exploited class is forced to exchange its labor for the opportunity to use the means of production, and to produce material goods both for its own use and for the maintenance of the exploiters.
Remark 1
Through dialectics and the struggle of classes, the development of society takes place, its transition from more primitive socio-economic formations to more developed ones, and ultimately to communism.
Dialectics of production forces and relations
The driving force of society, according to the formational theory, is the dialectical nature of material production, which dictates the dialectical relationship between the classes of society. The most important elements of material production are productive forces and relations.
Productive forces are the totality of all those labor efforts, skills and methods of production, technologies, as well as means of production, i.e. tools through which the process of material production is carried out directly. The productive forces are in constant development, thanks to the improvement of labor skills, the development of new techniques that are passed down from generation to generation, the introduction of technological innovations and scientific inventions.
Production relations include all those social relations that develop around material production, from the labor relations themselves, the processes of management and administration, the exchange and distribution of produced goods and, of course, property relations both in relation to the means of production and to the products produced. In contrast to the productive forces, relations tend to be conserved; having taken shape at a certain moment, they support the resulting social system without taking into account and even in spite of the development of productive forces.
This contradiction is the source of social transformations in society. When the development of productive forces reaches its limit within a certain socio-economic formation, social and class conflicts escalate in society, due to the conservatism of production relations. As a result, society undergoes revolutionary changes in the course of which the existing superstructure, primarily the political system, is completely dismantled and a new one emerges in its place, reinforcing a new distribution of production forces and relations. The new formation inherits certain features of the old one, and also lays down the features of future formations. Within its framework, the productive forces continue to grow within the margin of safety of the existing system.
Formations
Definition 2
Formation is a specific type of society that exists in a certain historical period and is characterized by a specific mode of production.
Within the framework of the theory, Marx identified five main formations:
- primitive communal,
- slaveholding,
- feudal
- capitalist
- communist.
The primitive communal and communist formations are classified by Marx as non-antagonistic - they lack the class division of society into exploiters and exploited. At the primitive stage, each member of the tribe equally participates in the production process, is not alienated from the products of his labor, and their distribution is carried out according to a fair principle. However, with the improvement of labor techniques, tools, as well as the numerical growth of the tribe, the expansion of its geographical area and contacts with other tribes, the amount of goods produced begins to exceed the tribe's own needs. As a result, processes of stratification begin within the tribe, the transformation of the tribal community into a neighboring one, in addition, the tribe can allow additional workers to be fed, for example, slaves captured during the war.
In the slave-owning formation there are already classes - slave owners and slaves, however, over time, the ratio of the costs of maintaining slaves and the productivity of their labor leads to the fact that the work of personally free peasants becomes more profitable. Feudal societies are formed on the ruins of slave-owning states. However, the development of science, the introduction of machine methods of production, the expansion of the geography of the existence of societies entail new changes. Land ceases to be the main and only means of production; in its place comes capital, which is concentrated in the hands of a new class. In the course of bourgeois revolutions, feudal formations are replaced by capitalist formations.
Theories of local civilizations
The emergence of the theory of social progress
Social Progress: Civilizations and Formations
The emergence of the theory of social progress. Unlike a primitive society, where extremely slow changes stretch over many generations, already in ancient civilizations, social changes and development begin to be recognized by people and are fixed in the public consciousness; At the same time, there are attempts to theoretically explain their causes and the desire to anticipate their nature and direction. Since such changes occur most clearly and quickly in political life - the periodic rise and fall of great empires, the transformation of the internal structure of various states, the enslavement of some peoples by others - the first concepts of social development in antiquity seek to explain precisely political changes, which are given the character of cyclicity. So, already Plato and Aristotle created the first cyclical theories of the development of society, in which they tried to explain the change of government in the ancient Greek city-states from despotism to aristocracy, oligarchy, democracy, anarchy, tyranny. As society developed, the cyclical nature of social change extended to other areas of its life.
World history was perceived as the history of the rise, greatness and death of great empires that succeeded each other over long centuries. A typical example of such an interpretation of history is the treatise of the French educator of the early 18th century, Charles L. Montesquieu, Reflections on the Causes of the Greatness and Fall of the Romans (1734). It is instructive that it was precisely at the beginning of the 18th century that the Italian philosopher Giovanni Battista Vico (1668-1744) in his book "The Foundations of a New Science [On the General Nature of Nations]" (1725) outlined a universal theory of the historical cycle, which has not lost interest, consisting of three epochs with corresponding cycles - divine, heroic and human, replacing each other in the process of a general crisis. And even the powerful rise and flourishing of culture in Western Europe in the 15th-17th centuries was perceived by contemporaries as the Renaissance of the best achievements of the period of antiquity.
It took another two or three centuries for the most insightful minds of the Enlightenment to come to the conclusion by the end of the 18th century (Turgot and Condorcet in France, Priestley and Gibbon in England, Herder in Germany and others) that the new era in the social development of Europe had far surpassed antiquity. and is a further stage of social development. This is how the first theories of social progress in world history appeared, which undermined the idea of its cyclicity and approved the idea of the progressive development of mankind. This belief in the universal nature of social progress was most clearly expressed in the book by J. A. Condorcet "Sketch of a Historical Picture of the Progress of the Human Mind" (1795). In his book, which he wrote while hiding from a death sentence, Condorcet optimistically talked about the future of mankind, set as his goal "to show by reasoning and facts that no limit was planned in the development of human abilities, that a person's ability to improve is really unlimited. that progress in this improvement is now independent of any force that wants to stop it ... Without a doubt, progress can be more or less rapid, but development will never go back ... "[Condorcet J.A. Sketch historical picture of the progress of the human mind. M., 1936. S. 5-6.].
Throughout the 19th century, the theory of social progress, the continuous progressive development of mankind, despite some skeptical remarks, clearly prevailed over cyclical and decadent concepts. She became a leader both in academic writings and in public opinion.
At the same time, it took different forms and acted by no means as an abstract theoretical concept, but was closely connected with the ideological struggle in society, with socio-economic and political forecasts for the future of mankind.
Theories of local civilizations. Many historians and philosophers began to look for explanations for the peculiar development of not only individual countries and regions of the globe, but also the history of mankind as a whole. Thus, in the 19th century, the ideas of a civilizational path of development of society were born and became widespread, resulting in the concept of the diversity of civilizations. One of the first thinkers who developed the concept of world history as a set of independent and specific civilizations, which he called the cultural and historical types of mankind, was the Russian naturalist and historian N. Ya. Danilevsky (1822-1885). In his book "Russia and Europe" (1871), trying to identify the differences between civilizations, which he considered as peculiar, non-coinciding cultural and historical types of mankind, he chronologically singled out the following coexisting in time, as well as successive types of organization of social formations: 1 ) Egyptian, 2) Chinese, 3) Assyro-Babylonian, 4) Chaldean, 5) Indian, 6) Iranian, 7) Hebrew, 8) Greek, 9) Roman, 10) New Semitic, or Arabian, 11) Romano-Germanic, or European, to which he added two civilizations of pre-Columbian America, destroyed by the Spaniards. Now, he believed, the Russian-Slavic cultural type is entering the world-historical arena, called upon, thanks to its universal mission, to reunite humanity. The book of N. Ya. Danilevsky became a manifesto of late Slavophilism and caused a wide and sharp controversy at the end of the 19th century among such prominent representatives of Russian social thought as V. S. Solovyov, N. N. Strakhov, F. I. Tyutchev, K. N Bestuzhev-Ryumin and others.
Many of Danilevsky's ideas were taken up at the beginning of the 20th century by the German historian and philosopher Oswald Spengler (1880-1936), the author of the two-volume work The Decline of Europe.
"The Decline of Europe" (literally translated "The Decline of the Countries of the West", in 2 volumes, 1918-1922) brought Spengler worldwide fame, for it was published immediately after the First World War, which plunged Europe into ruins and caused the growth of two new "overseas" powers - the USA and Japan. For several years, 32 editions of the book were published in the main world languages (including two in Russia; unfortunately, only the translation of the first volume was published then - in 1922 in Moscow and in 1923 in Petrograd). The book evoked numerous, mostly admiring, responses from eminent thinkers on both sides of the Atlantic.
In his judgments about the history of mankind, in opposing different civilizations to each other, Spengler was incomparably more categorical than Danilevsky. This is largely due to the fact that "The Decline of Europe" was written during a period of unprecedented political, economic and social upheaval that accompanied the world war, the collapse of three great empires and revolutionary transformations in Russia. In his book, Spengler singled out 8 higher cultures, the enumeration of which basically coincides with the cultural and historical types of Danilevsky (Egyptian, Indian, Babylonian, Chinese, Greco-Roman, Byzantine-Arabic, Western European, Maya), and also anticipated the heyday of Russian culture. He made a distinction between culture and civilization, seeing in the latter only a decline, the last phase of the development of culture on the eve of its death, when creativity is replaced by imitation of innovations, their refinement.
Spengler's interpretation of both world history and the history of its individual cultures-civilizations is fatalistic. Even individual cultures coexisting in time or replacing each other are hermetically isolated from each other, because they are based on different, alien ideas about the world, beauty, human vocation, etc. Their development is predetermined not by rational causality, but by fate. Each culture is given a certain time limit from birth to decline - about a thousand years. Even the formal similarity in the architectural style and other external incarnations of different cultures does not negate their substantive opposition, as, for example, between ancient magic and modern science. Western culture rests on a "Faustian", scientific-cognitive attitude towards the world and exhausts itself by becoming convinced of the impotence of science in relation to nature.
The concept of Spengler, like the concept of Danilevsky, attracts the attention of scientists by highlighting the diversity in the history of mankind, draws attention to the role of spiritual traditions in the formation of society, to the active role, often primary, of consciousness, customs and mores in historical events.
The theory of civilizations was further developed in the work of the English historian A. J. Toynbee (1889-1975). Since at least the middle of the 20th century, his work has had a significant impact not only on academic circles, but also on the public and political consciousness of Western and Third World countries.
In the process of developing the concept of civilizations, Toynbee's theoretical views underwent a significant evolution and, in some positions, even a kind of metamorphosis. This is due to two circumstances: on the one hand, this concept itself was outlined by him in the twelve-volume work "Study of History", which was published for almost three decades - from 1934 to 1961, and then until his death, the author in many books constantly returned to this topic; Of course, throughout almost his entire creative life, Toynbee continuously enriched his theory with new provisions. On the other hand, the very time of Toynbee's life coincided with grandiose political and social transformations in the history of mankind - the Second World War and the Cold War, the liberation of most peoples from colonial dependence, the emergence of global problems, that is, with events that required a deep understanding and rethinking of the entire previous history. And it is this evolution of the views of the English historian that gives special value to his conception of civilizations.
In the first volumes of his research, Toynbee adhered to such ideas about civilizations that were in many respects similar to Spengler's concept: he emphasized the fragmentation of civilizations, their independence from each other, which does not allow their unique history to be united into the general history of mankind. Thus, he denied social progress as the progressive development of mankind. Each civilization existed for the period allotted to it by history, although not as predetermined as Spengler allotted to his cultures. The driving force behind the development of civilizations was the dialectic of challenge and response. As long as the creative minority that controls the development of civilization, its elite, was able to give satisfactory answers to internal and external threats to its original growth, civilization strengthened and flourished. But as soon as the elite, for some reason, turned out to be powerless in the face of another challenge, an irreparable breakdown occurred: the creative minority turned into a dominant minority, the bulk of the population led by them was transformed into an "internal proletariat", which, by its own forces or in alliance with the "external proletariat" (barbarians) plunged civilization into decline and death. Civilization did not disappear without a trace; resisting decline, it gave birth to the "universal state" and the "universal church". The first disappeared with the death of civilization, while the second became a kind of "chrysalis"-heiress, contributing to the emergence of a new civilization. Initially, in the first ten volumes, Toynbee singled out nineteen independent civilizations with two branches: Egyptian, Andean, Chinese, Minoan, Sumerian, Maya, Indian, Hittite, Syrian, Hellenistic, Western, Orthodox, Far Eastern, Iranian, Arabic, Hindu, Babylonian, Yucatan, Mexican; its branch in Japan adjoined the Far Eastern one, and its branch in Russia adjoined the Orthodox one. In addition, several civilizations retarded in their development and several abortive ones were mentioned.
Among these civilizations, both "kindred", connected with each other by the "chrysalis - the universal church", and completely isolated ones stood out. But even "related" civilizations differed from each other in the systems of social and moral values prevailing in them, in their prevailing customs and mores. Although civilizations, according to Toynbee, are incompatible and historically do not perceive each other as predecessors and followers, nevertheless they are connected by the same development milestones and key events, due to which, on the basis of civilizations that have already completed their cycle of development, it is possible to anticipate upcoming events in existing civilizations. : let's say, the upcoming breakdown, the "time of troubles", the formation of the "universal state" and even the outcome of the struggle between the original center and the periphery, etc.
Subsequently, Toynbee gradually departs from the scheme outlined above. First of all, many civilizations appeared as having increasingly adopted the legacy of their predecessors. In volume XII of his study, symbolically entitled "Rethinking" (1961), he develops the idea of successive civilizations of the first, second and third generations, which adopted (mainly thanks to the "universal church") many of the social and spiritual values of their predecessors: for example, the West adopted the heritage Hellenism, and the last - the spiritual values of the Minoan (Crete-Mycenaean) civilization. The history of China and India gets rid of excessive fragmentation into two or three civilizations. Thus, out of the original 21 civilizations, 15 remain, not counting side ones. Toynbee considers his main mistake to be that initially in his historical and philosophical constructions he proceeded from only one Hellenistic model and extended its laws to the rest, and only then he based his theory on three models: Hellenistic, Chinese and Israeli.
World history began to acquire a universal character in Toynbee's concept: the cycles of successive generations of civilizations appeared in the form of revolving wheels advancing mankind to an ever deeper religious comprehension of its vocation: from the first mythological ideas to pagan religions, and then to syncretic religions (Christianity, Islam, Buddhism). and Judaism). In the modern era, according to Toynbee, there is a need for further ecumenical religious and moral unity of mankind in solidarity for all religions (including communism, which he also considered as one of the world religions) and saving pantheism in the conditions of the ecological crisis.
Thus, the theory of civilizations in the later works of Toynbee and his numerous followers gradually gravitated towards a universal explanation of universal history, towards rapprochement, and in the long term (despite the discreteness introduced by the development of individual civilizations) towards the spiritual and material unity of mankind.
Theory of socio-economic formations. Of the theories of social development of the mid-19th - late 20th centuries, the Marxist concept of social progress as a successive change of formations was most thoroughly developed. Several generations of Marxists worked on the development and coordination of its individual fragments, striving, on the one hand, to eliminate its internal contradictions, and on the other, to supplement it, enriching it with the latest discoveries. In this connection, sharp discussions took place among the Marxists themselves on a variety of topics - suffice it to name the topic of "Asiatic mode of production," "developed socialist society," and so on.
Although Marx and Engels sought to substantiate their concept of socio-economic formations with numerous references to historical sources, chronological tables and factual material drawn from different eras, it nevertheless mainly rested on abstract, speculative ideas that they had learned from their predecessors and contemporaries - Saint-Simon, Hegel, L. G. Morgan and many others. In other words, the concept of formations is not an empirical generalization of human history, but a creative critical generalization of various theories and views on world history, a kind of logic of history. But, as is well known, even "objective" logic does not coincide with concrete reality: there are always more or less significant discrepancies between the logical and the historical.
The views of Marx and Engels on the "objective" logic of history in connection with ideas about socio-economic formations underwent refinements and some changes. So, initially they leaned towards the logic of Saint-Simon, identifying slavery and the ancient world, serfdom and the Middle Ages, free (wage) labor and the New Age. Then they adopted the logic of dividing world history from Hegel (with certain modifications): the Ancient East (no one is free), antiquity (some are free) and the German world (all are free). The ancient East turned into an Asian mode of production, the ancient world into a slave-owning society, while the German world was divided into serfdom and capitalism.
Finally, by the time Engels wrote Anti-Dühring and The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State, the “objective logic of history” had acquired its final form, having formed the division of world history into five socio-economic formations separated from two social triads. The first, "big" triad includes a primitive communal (collectivist) system without private property, its antithesis - a class-antagonistic, private property system and their synthesis in a classless non-antagonistic system of general welfare, or communism. This large "triad" includes a small "triad" of the antagonistic system: slave-owning society, feudalism, or feudal society, and, finally, capitalism, or "wage slavery." Thus, the periodization of world history into five formations consistently follows from the "objective" dialectical logic: primitive communism (clan society), slave-owning society, feudalism, capitalism and communism, which includes socialism as an initial phase, and sometimes is identified with it. Such a periodization of social progress was mainly based on its Eurocentric interpretation, with some reservations extended to the rest of the world, as well as on its providential character, striving towards communism.
Marx and Engels considered the successive change of socio-economic formations as a "natural-historical process", independent of the consciousness and intentions of people, indirectly likening it to the same objective laws of nature. This is evidenced by the term "formation" itself, introduced at the end of the 18th century by T. Fuchsel and widely used by mineralogists, paleontologists and geologists (including C. Lyell) to designate historical layers of sedimentary rocks in order to determine their age.
In the century that has passed since the life of Marx and Engels, our knowledge of the world history of mankind has expanded immeasurably and multiplied: it deepened from 3 to 8-10 millennia BC, included the Neolithic revolution, and also spread to almost all continents. The history of mankind has ceased to fit into the concept of the development of society as a change of formations. As an example, we can refer to the history of medieval China, where they were well acquainted with the compass and gunpowder, invented paper and primitive printing, where paper money was in circulation (long before Western Europe), where the Chinese admiral Chen Ho made six voyages at the beginning of the 15th century to Indonesia, to India, to Africa and even to the Red Sea, which were not inferior in scale to the future travels of European sailors (which, however, did not lead to the emergence of capitalism).
Thus, the formational path of human development does not at all explain all the complex ups and downs of the progressive development of society, which is largely due to an exaggerated idea of the role of economic relations in the life of society and a belittling of the independent (by no means always relative) role of social customs and mores, culture as a whole in people's activities.
The concept of formations began to lose its former appeal as a means of periodizing world history. The very concept of "formation" gradually lost its objective content, in particular due to its arbitrary application to various eras in the history of the "third world". More and more historians perceived the concept of "formation" in the sense of the "ideal type" of M. Weber.
Finally, especially since the second half of the 20th century, the following claims began to be made against the concept of formations. It followed from it that socialism, replacing capitalism, should have higher labor productivity, an increase in the well-being of workers and their higher standard of living, the flourishing of democracy and self-government of workers, of course, while maintaining the planned development of the economy and centralized management of many spheres of public life. However, decades passed after the victory of socialism was proclaimed, and the level of economic development and well-being of the population both in the USSR and in other socialist countries still lagged far behind the level achieved in the developed capitalist countries. Of course, quite convincing explanations were found for this: the socialist revolution won, contrary to forecasts, initially not in advanced, but in economically more backward countries, the socialist countries had to experience the most difficult consequences of the Second World War, and finally, the Cold War absorbs the huge economic and human resources of society . It was difficult to challenge these explanations, but nevertheless the paradoxical situation became more and more obvious: how could one be a country with the most progressive social system without being among the most advanced economic countries?
In the 1960s, the Marxist leadership of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany raised the question of giving socialism the role of a relatively independent socio-economic formation, which cannot be regarded as a simple transition to communism, for discussion by Marxist parties, primarily the CPSU. It can exist for as long as it takes to eliminate its lag behind the parameters of a communist society. Despite initial controversy, this view was largely accepted. Socialism, instead of rapidly "growing into communism", gradually became a "developed socialist society", then entered its very initial "stage", simultaneously approaching theoretically and moving away practically from communism. And finally, in the mid-1980s, both the economic and political crisis of socialism became apparent, and at the same time the crisis of Marxism as a whole.
All of the above does not detract from the deep theoretical content of the concept of socio-economic formations. It would be wrong to categorically oppose the civilizational path of human development to the formational one, because both of these approaches to world history do not so much deny as complement each other. The concept of civilizations makes it possible to comprehend the history of large regions of the globe and large periods in their specific diversity, elusive in formational analysis, as well as to avoid economic determinism, to reveal in many respects the decisive role of cultural traditions, the continuity of morals and customs, and the peculiarities of people's consciousness in different eras. In turn, the formational approach, if applied correctly and carefully, can shed light on the socio-economic periodization in the development of individual peoples and humanity as a whole. Modern historical science and philosophy are now in search of the most fruitful combination of both of these approaches in order to determine the specifics of modern civilization, its historical place in world history and the most promising introduction to the achievements of the planetary, universal civilization that is emerging in our era.
There are 5 formations in total. These are: a primitive communal society, a slave-owning formation, a feudal society, a capitalist system and communism.
a) Primitive communal society.
Engels characterizes this stage of development of society in this way: “There is no place for domination and enslavement here ... there is still no difference between rights and duties ... the population is extremely rare ... the division of labor is of a purely natural origin; it exists only between the sexes.” All "painful" issues are resolved by age-old customs; there is universal equality and freedom, the poor and the needy are not. As Marx says, the condition for the existence of these social production relations is "a low level of development of the productive forces of labor and the corresponding limitation of people within the framework of the material process of production of life."
As soon as tribal unions begin to take shape, or barter with neighbors begins, this social system is replaced by the following.
b) Slave formation.
Slaves are the same tools of labor, simply endowed with the ability to speak. Property inequality appears, private ownership of land and means of production (both in the hands of masters), the first two classes - masters and slaves. The dominance of one class over another is especially clearly manifested through the constant humiliation and humiliation of slaves.
As soon as slavery ceases to pay for itself, as soon as the slave trade market disappears, this system is literally destroyed, as we saw in the example of Rome, which fell under the pressure of barbarians from the east.
c) Feudal society.
The basis of the system is landed property, together with the labor of serfs chained to it and the own labor of artisans. Hierarchical land ownership is characteristic, although the division of labor was insignificant (princes, nobles, clergy, serfs - in the countryside and craftsmen, apprentices, students - in the city). It differs from the slave-owning formation in that the serfs, unlike the slaves, were the owners of the tools of labor.
“Personal dependence here characterizes both the social relations of material production and the spheres of life based on it,” and “the state here is the supreme owner of the land. Sovereignty here is landed property concentrated on a national scale.”
Necessary conditions for feudal production:
1. natural economy;
2. the producer must be the owner of the means of production and be attached to the land;
3. personal dependence;
4. low and routine state of technology.
As soon as agriculture and handicraft production reach such a level that they begin to not fit within the existing framework (feudal flax, artisan workshop), the first manufactories appear and this marks the emergence of a new socio-economic formation.
d) Capitalist system.
“Capitalism is the process of production of the material conditions for the existence of human life and ... the process of production and reproduction of the production relations themselves, and thus the carriers of this process, the material conditions of their existence and their mutual relations.”
The four main features of capitalism are:
1) The concentration of the means of production in a few hands;
2) Cooperation, division of labor, wage labor;
3) Expropriation;
4) Alienation of production conditions from the direct producer.
"The development of the productive forces of social labor is a historical task and the justification of capital."
The basis of capitalism is free competition. But the purpose of capital is to make as much profit as possible. Accordingly, monopolies are formed. No one is talking about competition anymore - there is a change in the system.
e) Communism and socialism.
The main slogan is "to each according to his ability, to each according to his needs." Later, Lenin added new symbolic features of socialism. According to him, under socialism "it is impossible for a person to be exploited by a person ... who does not work, he does not eat ... with an equal amount of labor - an equal amount of product."
The difference between socialism and communism is that the organization of production is based on common ownership of all means of production.
Well, communism is the highest stage in the development of socialism. “We call communism such an order when people get used to the performance of public duties without any special apparatus of coercion, when free work for the common good becomes a universal phenomenon.”
SOCIO-ECONOMIC FORMATION - the central concept of the Marxist theory of society or historical materialism: "... a society that is at a certain stage of historical development, a society with a peculiar distinctive character." Through the concept of O.E.F. ideas about society as a certain system were fixed and at the same time the main periods of its historical development were singled out. It was believed that any social phenomenon could only be correctly understood in relation to the particular O.E.F. of which it was an element or product. The very term "formation" was borrowed by Marx from geology. Completed theory O.E.F. Marx did not formulate, however, if we summarize his various statements, we can conclude that Marx singled out three eras, or formations, of world history according to the criterion of dominant production relations (forms of ownership): 1) primary formation (archaic pre-class societies); 2) secondary, or "economic" social formation based on private property and commodity exchange and including Asiatic, ancient, feudal and capitalist modes of production; 3) communist formation. Marx paid the main attention to the "economic" formation, and within its framework - to the bourgeois system.
At the same time, social relations were reduced to economic (“basis”), and world history was viewed as a movement through social revolutions to a pre-established phase - communism. The term O.E.F. introduced by Plekhanov and Lenin. Lenin, on the whole, following the logic of Marx's concept, greatly simplified and narrowed it, identifying O.E.F. with the mode of production and reducing it to a system of production relations. Canonization of the concept of O.E.F. in the form of the so-called "five-membered" was carried out by Stalin in the "Short course of the history of the CPSU (b)". Representatives of historical materialism believed that the concept of O.E.F. allows you to notice the repetition in history and thus give its strictly scientific analysis. Change of formations forms the main line of progress, formations perish due to internal antagonisms, but with the advent of communism, the law of formation change ceases to operate.
As a result of the transformation of Marx's hypothesis into an infallible dogma, formational reductionism was established in Soviet social science, i.e. the reduction of the entire diversity of the world of people only to formational characteristics, which was expressed in the absolutization of the role of the common in history, the analysis of all social ties along the basis-superstructure line, ignoring the human beginning of history and the free choice of people. In its established form, the concept of O.E.F. together with the idea of linear progress that gave birth to it, already belongs to the history of social thought.
However, overcoming formational dogma does not mean refusing to raise and resolve issues of social typology. Types of society and its nature, depending on the tasks to be solved, can be distinguished according to various criteria, including socio-economic ones. At the same time, it is important to remember the high degree of abstractness of such theoretical constructions, their schematic nature, the inadmissibility of their anthologization, direct identification with reality, as well as their use for building social forecasts, developing specific political tactics. If this is not taken into account, then the result, as experience shows, is social deformations and catastrophes.
To the 180th anniversary of the birth of Karl Marx
On May 5, 1818, a man was born who was destined to become the greatest scientist and revolutionary. K. Marx made a theoretical revolution in social science. Marx's scientific merits are recognized even by his ardent opponents. We publish articles devoted to Marx, not only by Russian scholars, but also by prominent Western philosophers and sociologists R. Aron and E. Fromm, who did not consider themselves Marxists, but highly appreciated the theoretical heritage of the great thinker.
Yu. I. Semenov
MARX'S THEORY OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC FORMATIONS AND MODERNITY
1. Center and periphery of the materialistic understanding of history
The greatest discovery of K. Marx was the materialistic understanding of history created by him in collaboration with F. Engels. Its main provisions remain in force today.
In the philosophy and methodology of scientific knowledge, the view that every scientific theory consists, firstly, of a central core, and secondly, of its surrounding periphery, has become widespread. Revealing the inconsistency of at least one idea that is part of the core of the theory means the destruction of this core and the refutation of this theory as a whole. The situation is different with the ideas that form the peripheral part of the theory. Their refutation and replacement by other ideas do not in themselves call into question the truth of the theory as a whole.
The core of the materialist understanding of history is, in my opinion, six ideas that can rightly be called central.
The first proposition of historical materialism is that a necessary condition for the existence of people is the production of material goods. Material production is the basis of all human activity.
The second proposition is that production always has a social character and always takes place in a definite social form. The social form in which the production process takes place is the system of socio-economic or, as the Marxists also call them, production relations.
Third position: there is not one, but several types of economic (production) relations, and thus several qualitatively different systems of these relations. It follows from this that production can and does take place in various social forms. Thus, there are several types or forms of social production. These types of social production were called modes of production. Each mode of production is production taken in a definite social form.
The existence of slave-owning, feudal and capitalist modes of production is now essentially recognized by almost all scientists, including those who do not share the Marxist point of view and do not use the term "mode of production". Slave-owning, feudal and capitalist modes of production are not only types of social production, but also stages of its development. After all, there is no doubt that the beginnings of capitalism appear only in the 15th-19th centuries, that it was preceded by feudalism, which took shape, at the earliest, only in the 18th-19th centuries, and that the flourishing of ancient society was associated with the widespread use of slaves in production. Undoubtedly and the existence of a successive connection between the ancient, feudal and capitalist economic systems.
the question awaits: why in one era one system of economic relations dominated, in another - another, in the third - the third.
Before the eyes of K. Marx and F. Engels, the industrial revolution was going on. And where machine industry penetrated, feudal relations inevitably collapsed and capitalist relations were established. And the answer to the above question naturally suggested itself: the nature of economic (production) relations is determined by the level of development of the social forces that create the social product, i.e., the productive forces of society. The change in the systems of economic relations, and thus the main methods of production, is based on the development of the productive forces. This is the fourth proposition of historical materialism.
As a result, not only was a solid foundation laid for the economists' long-established conviction of the objectivity of capitalist economic relations, but it also became clear that not only capitalist, but all economic relations in general, do not depend on the consciousness and will of people. And existing independently of the consciousness and will of people, economic relations determine the interests of both groups of people and individuals, determine their consciousness and will, and thereby their actions.
Thus, the system of economic (production) relations is nothing but an objective source of social ideas, which the old materialists searched in vain and could not find, is a social being (in the narrow sense), or social matter. The fifth provision of historical materialism is the thesis about the materiality of economic (production) relations. The system of economic relations is material in the sense and only in the sense that it is primary in relation to social consciousness.
With the discovery of social matter, materialism was extended to the phenomena of social life, became a philosophical doctrine, equally related to nature and society. It is precisely such a comprehensive, completed to the top mater-
realism and was called dialectical. Thus, the notion that dialectical materialism was first created and then extended to society is profoundly mistaken. On the contrary, only when the materialistic understanding of history was created did materialism become dialectical, but not before. The essence of the new Marxian materialism lies in the materialist understanding of history.
According to the materialistic understanding of history, the system of economic (production) relations is the basis, the basis of any particular individual society. And it was natural to base the classification of individual concrete societies, their subdivisions into types, on the nature of their economic structure. Societies that have as their foundation the same system of economic relations, based on one mode of production, belong to the same type; Societies based on different modes of production belong to different types of society. These types of society, identified on the basis of the socio-economic structure, are called socio-economic formations. There are as many of them as there are basic methods of production.
Just as the main modes of production are not only types, but also stages of development of social production, socio-economic formations are types of society that are at the same time stages of world-historical development. This is the sixth position of the materialistic understanding of history.
The concept of the main modes of production as types of production and stages of its development and the concept of socio-economic formations as the main types of society and stages of world-historical development are included in the core of historical materialism. Judgments about how many modes of production exist, how many of them are the main ones, and about how many socio-economic formations there are, in what order and how they replace each other, belong to the peripheral part of the materialist understanding of history.
The scheme for the change of socio-economic formations, created by K. Marx and F. Engels, was based on the periodization of world history, which had been established by that time in historical science, in which three epochs were initially distinguished (antique, medieval, new), and later to them was added as the previous ancient era of the Ancient East. With each of these world-historical epochs, the founders of Marxism associated a certain socio-economic formation. It is hardly necessary to quote the well-known statement of K. Marx about Asian, ancient, feudal and bourgeois modes of production1. Continuing to develop their scheme, K. Marx and F. Engels later, based mainly on the work of L. G. Morgan "Ancient Society" (1877), came to the conclusion that the antagonistic modes of production were preceded by primitive communal, or primitive communist . According to their concept of the present and future of mankind, the capitalist society should be replaced by a communist socio-economic formation. Thus, a scheme of human development arose, in which five formations that already existed and partly continue to exist appear: primitive communist, Asian, ancient, feudal and bourgeois, and one more, which does not yet exist, but which, according to the founders of Marxism, must inevitably arise - communist.
When one or another truly scientific theory is created, it becomes relatively independent in relation to its own creators as well. Therefore, not all the ideas of even its creators, not to mention their followers, and directly related to the problems that this theory poses and solves, can be considered as components of this theory. So, for example, F. Engels at one time put forward the position that in the early stages of human development, social orders were determined not so much by the production of material
1Marx K. Toward a critique of political economy//K. Marx and F. Engels. Op. Izya. 2nd. T. 13. S. 7.
goods, how many by the production of the person himself (children's production) 2. And although this proposition was put forward by one of the creators of the materialistic understanding of history, it cannot be considered as entering not only into the central core, but also into the peripheral part of this theory. It is incompatible with the basic tenets of historical materialism. This was once pointed out by G. Kunov3. But more importantly, it is false.
K. Marx and F. Engels spoke out on a wide variety of issues. K. Marx had a certain system of views on the eastern (Asian), ancient and feudal societies, F. Engels - on the primitive. But their conceptions of primitiveness, antiquity, etc., are not included as components (even peripheral ones) either in the materialist understanding of history, or in Marxism as a whole. And the obsolescence and even the outright fallacy of certain ideas of K. Marx and F. Engels about primitiveness, antiquity, religion, art, etc. cannot in the least indicate the failure of the materialistic understanding of history. Even revealing the inaccuracy of certain ideas of Marx included in his theory of capitalist economics, which is one of the main parts of Marxism, does not directly affect the central core of the materialist conception of history.
In Russia before the revolution and abroad, both before and now, the materialistic understanding of history was criticized. In the USSR, such criticism began sometime in 1989 and became a landslide after August 1991. In fact, it is a stretch to call all this criticism. It was a real persecution. And they began to crack down on historical materialism in the same ways that it was previously defended. In Soviet times, historians were told: whoever is against the materialistic understanding of history is not a Soviet person. The argument of the "democrats" was no less
2Engels F. The origin of the family, private property and the state//Ibid. T. 21. S. 26.
ZKunov G. Marx's theory of the historical process, society and state. T. 2. M.-L., 1930. S. 121-124.
hundred: in Soviet times there was a Gulag, which means that historical materialism is false from beginning to end. The materialistic understanding of history, as a rule, was not refuted. Just as a matter of course, they spoke of his complete scientific failure. And those few who nevertheless tried to refute it acted according to a well-established scheme: attributing deliberate nonsense to historical materialism, they argued that it was nonsense, and triumphed. The offensive against the materialistic understanding of history that unfolded after August 1991 was greeted with sympathy by many historians. Some of them even actively joined the fight. One of the reasons for the hostility of a considerable number of specialists to historical materialism was that it had previously been imposed on them by force. This inevitably gave rise to a feeling of protest. Another reason was that Marxism, having become the dominant ideology and a means of justifying the “socialist” (in reality, having nothing to do with socialism) orders existing in our country, was reborn: from a coherent system of scientific views it turned into a set of stamped phrases used in as spells and slogans. Real Marxism has been replaced by the appearance of Marxism - pseudo-Marxism. This affected all parts of Marxism, not excluding the materialistic understanding of history. What F. Engels feared most of all happened. “... The materialistic method,” he wrote, “turns into its opposite when it is used not as a guiding thread in historical research, but as a ready-made template according to which historical facts are cut and reshaped”4.
At the same time, not only did the real provisions of the materialist understanding of history turn into dead schemes, but such theses were presented as immutable Marxist truths, which in no way followed from historical materialism. It suffices to give an example. We've got a long time
4Engels F. Letter to P. Ernst June 5, 1890 // K. Marx and F. Engels. Op. Ed. 2nd. T. 37. S. 351.
it was asserted: Marxism teaches that the first class society can only be a slave society and no other. It is a fact that the first class societies were those of the ancient East. This led to the conclusion that these societies were slave-owning. Anyone who thought otherwise was automatically declared anti-Marxist. In the societies of the Ancient East, there were indeed slaves, although their exploitation was never the leading form. This allowed historians to somehow substantiate the position that these societies belonged to the slave-owning formation. The situation was worse when there were no slaves in societies that were supposed to be slave-owning. Then the slaves were declared such direct producers who were not in any way, and the society was characterized as early slave-owning.
Historical materialism was considered as such a method that allows, even before the start of the study of a particular society, to establish what will be found in it by the researcher. It was hard to come up with more nonsense. In fact, the materialistic understanding of history does not anticipate the results of research, it only indicates how to search in order to understand the essence of a particular society.
However, it would be wrong to believe that in order to reverse the transformation of historical materialism from the template under which the facts were adjusted, as it was with us for a long time, into a genuine method of historical research, it is enough to return to the origins, to restore the rights of everything that was once created K. Marx and F. Engels. The materialistic understanding of history needs a serious update, which involves not only the introduction of new provisions that its founders did not have, but also the rejection of a number of their theses.
None of the ideas that make up the core of the materialist understanding of history has ever been refuted by anyone. In this sense, historical materialism is unshakable. As for its periphery, much of it is outdated and must be replaced and supplemented.
Due to the limited volume of the article, out of a large number of problems of historical materialism that need to be developed, I will take only one, but perhaps the most important - the doctrine of socio-economic formations.
2. Socio-economic formation and socio-historical organism
One of the important shortcomings of orthodox historical materialism was that it did not identify and theoretically develop the basic meanings of the word "society". And this word in the scientific language has at least five such meanings. The first meaning is a specific separate society, which is a relatively independent unit of historical development. Society in this sense, I will call a socio-historical (socio-historical) organism, or, in short, a socior.
The second meaning is a spatially limited system of socio-historical organisms, or a sociological system. The third meaning is all the socio-historical organisms that have ever existed and still exist, taken together - human society as a whole. The fourth meaning is society in general, regardless of any specific forms of its real existence. The fifth meaning is a society of a certain type in general (a particular society or type of society), for example, a feudal society or an industrial society5.
For the historian, the first three meanings of the term "society" are of particular importance. Socio-historical organisms are the initial, elementary, primary subjects of the historical process, from which all other, more complex subjects of it are composed - sociological systems of different levels. Each of the sociological systems of any hierarchical level was also the subject of the historical process. The highest, ultimate subject of the historical process is human society as a whole.
5For details on this, see: Yu. I. Semyonov, Secrets of Clio. A concise introduction to the philosophy of history. M., 1996.
There are different classifications of socio-historical organisms (according to the form of government, the dominant confession, the socio-economic system, the dominant sphere of the economy, etc.). But the most general classification is the division of sociohistorical organisms into two main types according to the method of their internal organization.
The first type is socio-historical organisms, which are unions of people organized on the basis of personal membership, primarily kinship. Each such co-cior is inseparable from his personnel and is able, without losing his identity, to move from one territory to another. Such societies I will call demosocial organisms (demosociors). They are characteristic of the pre-class era of human history. Examples are primitive communities and multi-communal organisms called tribes and chiefdoms.
The boundaries of organisms of the second type are the boundaries of the territory they occupy. Such formations are organized according to the territorial principle and are inseparable from the areas of the earth's surface they occupy. As a result, the personnel of each such organism acts in relation to this organism as an independent special phenomenon - its population. I will call such societies geosocial organisms (geosociors). They are characteristic of a class society. They are usually referred to as states or countries6.
Since there was no concept of a socio-historical organism in historical materialism, neither the concept of a regional system of socio-historical organisms, nor the concept of human society as a whole as the totality of all existing and existing sociors was developed in it. The latter concept, although present in an implicit form (implicitly), was not clearly delimited from the concept of society in general.
The absence of the concept of a socio-historical organism in the categorical apparatus of the Marxist theory of history inevitably interfered with the understanding of the category of socio-economic
b More details, see ibid.
formation. It was impossible to truly understand the category of socio-economic formation without comparing it with the concept of a socio-historical organism. Defining the formation as a society or as a stage in the development of society, our specialists in historical materialism did not reveal in any way the meaning that they put into the word "society"; to another, which inevitably gave rise to incredible confusion.
Each specific socio-economic formation is a certain type of society, identified on the basis of the socio-economic structure. This means that a specific socio-economic formation is nothing other than that which is common to all socio-historical organisms that have a given socio-economic structure. The concept of a specific formation always fixes, on the one hand, the fundamental identity of all socio-historical organisms, which are based on the same system of production relations, and on the other hand, a significant difference between specific societies with different socio-economic structures. Thus, the ratio of a socio-historical organism belonging to one or another socio-economic formation and this formation itself is the ratio of the individual and the general.
The problem of the general and the individual is one of the most important problems of philosophy, and disputes around it have been going on throughout the history of this area of human knowledge. Since the Middle Ages, two main directions in solving this issue have been called nominalism and realism. According to the views of the nominalists, in the objective world there is only the separate. The general either does not exist at all, or it exists only in consciousness, is a mental human construction.
Realists defended a different point of view. They believed that the general exists really, outside and independently of human consciousness and forms a special world, different from the sensual world.
individual phenomena. This special world of the general is by its nature spiritual, ideal and primary in relation to the world of separate things.
There is a grain of truth in each of these two views, but both are wrong. For scientists, the existence of laws, patterns, essence, and necessity in the objective world is undeniable. And all this is common. The general, therefore, exists not only in consciousness, but also in the objective world, but only in a different way than the individual exists. And this otherness of the being of the general does not at all consist in the fact that it forms a special world that opposes the world of the individual. There is no special world in common. The general does not exist by itself, not independently, but only in the individual and through the individual. On the other hand, the individual does not exist without the general.
Thus, there are two different types of objective existence in the world: one type - independent existence, as the individual exists, and the second - existence only in the individual and through the individual, as the general exists. Unfortunately, in our philosophical language there are no terms for designating these two different forms of objective existence. Sometimes, however, it is said that the individual exists as such, while the general, while really existing, does not exist as such. In what follows, I will designate independent existence as self-existence, as self-existence, and existence in another and through another as other-existence, or as other-being.
In order to cognize the general (essence, law, etc.), it is necessary to “extract” it from the individual, “purify” it from the individual, present it in a “pure” form, that is, in one in which it can exist only in thinking. The process of "extracting" the general from the particular, in which it actually exists, in which it is hidden, cannot be anything other than the process of creating a "pure" general. The form of existence of the "pure" general is concepts and their systems - hypotheses, concepts, theories, etc. In consciousness and non-existent, the general appears as self-existent, as separate. But this self-existence is not real, but
perfect. Here we have an individual, but not a real individual, but an ideal one.
After this digression into the theory of knowledge, we return to the problem of formation. Since each specific socio-economic formation is a general one, it can and always exists in the real world only in separate societies, sociohistorical organisms, moreover, as their deep general basis, their inner essence and, therefore, their type.
The commonality between sociohistorical organisms belonging to the same socio-economic formation, of course, is not limited to their socio-economic structure. But what unites all these social organisms, determines their belonging to one type, first of all, of course, is the presence in all of them of the same system of production relations. Everything else that makes them related is derived from this fundamental commonality. That is why V. I. Lenin repeatedly defined the socio-economic formation as a set or system of certain production relations. However, at the same time, he never reduced it completely to a system of production relations. For him, the socio-economic formation has always been a type of society taken in the unity of all its aspects. He characterizes the system of production relations as the "skeleton" of the socio-economic formation, which is always clothed with the "flesh and blood" of other social relations. But this “skeleton” always contains the whole essence of this or that socio-economic formation.
Since the relations of production are objective, material, the whole system formed by them is correspondingly material. And this means that it functions and develops according to its own laws, independent of the consciousness and will of people living in the system of these relations. These laws are the laws of functioning and development of the socio-economic formation. The introduction of the concept of social
7Lenin V.I. What are “friends of the people” and how they fight against the social democrats // Full. coll. op. T. 1. S. 138-139, 165.
economic formation, allowing for the first time to look at the evolution of society as a natural historical process, made it possible to identify not only what is common between sociohistorical organisms, but at the same time what is repeated in their development.
All sociohistorical organisms belonging to the same formation, having as their basis the same system of production relations, must inevitably develop according to the same laws. No matter how different modern England and modern Spain, modern Italy and modern Japan may differ from each other, they are all bourgeois sociohistorical organisms, and their development is determined by the action of the same laws - the laws of capitalism.
Different formations are based on qualitatively different systems of socio-economic relations. This means that different formations develop in different ways, according to different laws. Therefore, from this point of view, the most important task of social science is to study the laws of functioning and development of each of the socio-economic formations, that is, to create a theory for each of them. In relation to capitalism, K. Marx tried to solve such a problem.
The only way that can lead to the creation of a theory of any formation is to reveal that essential, common thing that is manifested in the development of all sociohistorical organisms of a given type. It is quite clear that it is impossible to reveal the general in phenomena without digressing from the differences between them. It is possible to reveal the internal objective necessity of any real process only by freeing it from that specific historical form in which it manifested itself, only by presenting this process in a “pure” form, in a logical form, that is, in such a way that it can exist only in theoretical consciousness.
If in historical reality a specific socio-economic formation exists only in sociohistorical organisms as their common basis, then in theory this internal essence of individual societies appears in pure
as something independently existing, namely as an ideal sociohistorical organism of a given type.
An example is Marx's Capital. This work examines the functioning and development of capitalist society, but not of any definite, concrete one - English, French, Italian, etc., but capitalist society in general. And the development of this ideal capitalism, a pure bourgeois socio-economic formation, is nothing more than a reproduction of an internal necessity, an objective law of the evolution of each individual capitalist society. All other formations appear in theory as ideal social organisms.
It is quite clear that a specific socio-economic formation in its pure form, i.e., as a special socio-historical organism, can exist only in theory, but not in historical reality. In the latter, it exists in individual societies as their inner essence, their objective basis.
Each real concrete socio-economic formation is a type of society and thus that objective common thing that is inherent in all socio-historical organisms of a given type. Therefore, it may well be called a society, but by no means a real sociohistorical organism. It can act as a sociohistorical organism only in theory, but not in reality. Each specific socio-economic formation, being a certain type of society, is the same society of this type in general. The capitalist socio-economic formation is the capitalist type of society and, at the same time, capitalist society in general.
Each specific formation has a certain relationship not only to sociohistorical organisms of a given type, but to society in general, that is, to that objective general that is inherent in all sociohistorical organisms, regardless of their type. In relation to sociohistorical organisms
of this type, each specific formation acts as a general one. In relation to society in general, a concrete formation appears as the general of a lower level, i.e., as special, as a concrete variety of society in general, as a particular society.
Speaking about the socio-economic formation, the authors of neither monographs nor textbooks have ever drawn a clear line between specific formations and formation in general. However, there is a difference, and it is significant. Each concrete social formation represents not only a type of society, but also a society of this type in general, a particular society (feudal society in general, capitalist society in general, etc.). The situation with the socio-economic structure in general is quite different. It is not a society in any sense of the word.
Our historians never understood this. In all monographs and in all textbooks on historical materialism, the structure of the formation has always been considered and its main elements have been listed: the basis, the superstructure, including social consciousness, etc. etc. to societies, then a formation in general will appear before us. But in fact, in this case, we will face not a formation in general, but society in general. Imagining that they were describing the structure of a formation in general, historians were actually drawing the structure of society in general, i.e., they were talking about the general thing that is inherent in all sociohistorical organisms without exception.
Any specific socio-economic formation appears in two guises: 1) it is a specific type of society and 2) it is also a society of this type in general. Therefore, the concept of a specific formation is included in two different series of concepts. One row: 1) the concept of a sociohistorical organism as a separate concrete society, 2) the concept of a particular formation as a society of a generally definite type, i.e., a special society, 3) the concept of society in general. Another
series: 1) the concept of sociohistorical organisms as separate concrete societies, 2) the concept of specific formations as different types of sociohistorical organisms of society, and 3) the concept of a socio-economic formation in general as a type of sociohistorical organisms in general.
The concept of a socio-economic formation in general, like the concept of society in general, reflects the general, but different from that which reflects the concept of society in general. The concept of society generally reflects what is common to all sociohistorical organisms, regardless of their type. The concept of a socio-economic formation in general reflects the common thing that is inherent in all specific socio-economic formations, regardless of their specific features, namely, that they are all types identified on the basis of socio-economic structure.
In all the works and textbooks, when the formation was defined as a society, and without indicating what kind of formation in question - a specific formation or a formation in general, it was never specified whether it was a separate society or a society in general. And often the authors, and even more so the readers, understood a formation as a separate society, which was completely absurd. And when some authors nevertheless tried to take into account that the formation is a type of society, it often turned out even worse. Here is an example from one textbook: “Each society is ... an integral organism, the so-called socio-economic formation, that is, a certain historical type of society with its own mode of production, basis and superstructure”8.
As a reaction to this kind of interpretation of socio-economic formations, a denial of their real existence arose. But it was due not only to the incredible confusion that existed in our literature on the question of formations. The matter was more complicated. As already mentioned, in theory socio-economic formations exist as ideal socio-historical organisms. Not found in
8Fundamentals of Marxism-Leninism: Textbook. M., 1959. S. 128.
historical reality of such formations, some of our historians, and after them some historians, have come to the conclusion that formations do not really exist at all, that they are only logical, theoretical constructs.
To understand that socio-economic formations also exist in historical reality, but otherwise than in theory, not as ideal sociohistorical organisms of one type or another, but as an objective commonality in real sociohistorical organisms of one type or another, they were unable to. For them, existence was reduced only to self-existence. They, like all nominalists in general, did not take into account other beings, and socio-economic formations, as already indicated, have no self-existence. They do not self-exist, but exist differently.
In this regard, one cannot but say that the theory of formations can be accepted or rejected. But the socio-economic formations themselves cannot be ignored. Their existence, at least as certain types of society, is an undoubted fact.
3. Orthodox understanding of the change in socio-economic formations and its failure
In K. Marx's theory of socio-economic formations, each formation appears as a society of a certain type in general, and thus as a pure, ideal socio-historical organism of this type. Primitive society in general, Asian society in general, pure ancient society, etc. figure in this theory. Accordingly, the change of social formations appears in it as the transformation of an ideal socio-historical organism of one type into a pure socio-historical organism of another, higher type: ancient society in general into feudal society in general, pure feo-
9See, for example, Gurevich A. Ya. On the discussion of pre-capitalist formations: formation and way of life // Questions of Philosophy. 1968. No. 2. S. 118-119; Izraitel V. Ya. Problems of formational analysis of social development. Gorky, 1975, p. 16.
distant society into a pure capitalist society, etc. Accordingly, human society as a whole appears in theory as a society in general - as one single pure socio-historical organism, the stages of development of which are societies of a certain type in general: pure primitive, pure Asiatic, pure ancient, pure feudal and pure capitalist.
But in historical reality, human society has never been one single socio-historical organism. It has always represented a vast array of socio-historical organisms. And specific socio-economic formations also never existed in historical reality as sociohistorical organisms. Each formation has always existed only as that fundamental common thing that is inherent in all socio-historical organisms that have as their basis the same system of socio-economic relations.
And in itself there is nothing reprehensible in such a discrepancy between theory and reality. It always takes place in any science. After all, each of them takes the essence of phenomena in its pure form, and in this form the essence never exists in reality, because each of them considers necessity, regularity, law in its pure form, but there are no pure laws in the world.
Therefore, the most important thing in any science is what is commonly called the interpretation of a theory. It consists in revealing how necessity, which appears in theory in its pure form, manifests itself in reality. As applied to the theory of formations, the question is how a scheme that claims to reproduce the objective necessity of the development of human society as a whole, that is, of all existing and existing socio-historical organisms, is realized in history. Does it represent an ideal model for the development of each socio-historical organism, taken separately, or only all of them together?
In our literature, the question of whether the Marxist scheme for the change of socio-economic formations is a mental reproduction of the evolution of each socio-historical organism, taken separately, or whether it expresses the internal objective logic of the development of only human society as a whole, but not the individual components of its sociors, has never been stated in any distinct form. This is largely due to the fact that Marxist theory lacked the concept of a socio-historical organism, and thus the concept of a system of socio-historical organisms. Accordingly, it never made a clear enough distinction between human society as a whole and society in general, did not analyze the difference between the formation as it exists in theory and the formation as it exists in reality, etc.
But if this question was not raised theoretically, then in practice it was nevertheless solved. In fact, it was believed that Marx's scheme for the development and change of socio-economic formations had to be realized in the evolution of each individual specific society, i.e., each socio-historical organism. As a result, world history appeared as a set of histories of many originally existing socio-historical organisms, each of which normally had to "go through" all socio-economic formations.
If not in all, then at least in some of the Histmatian works, this view was expressed with the utmost clarity. "TO. Marx and F. Engels, - we read in one of them, - studying world history, came to the conclusion that with all the diversity of social development in all countries there is a general, necessary and recurring tendency: all countries go through the same stages. The most common features of these stages are expressed in the concept of "socio-economic formation"10. And further: “From this concept
10Popov P. V., Sychev S. V. Methodological functions of the concept of “socio-economic formation” // Methodological analysis of some philosophical categories. M., 1976. S. 93.
It shows that all peoples, regardless of the peculiarities of their historical development, inevitably go through basically the same formations.
Thus, the change of socio-economic formations was conceived as occurring exclusively within socio-historical organisms. Accordingly, socio-economic formations acted primarily as stages of development not of human society as a whole, but of individual socio-historical organisms. The only reason to consider them as stages of world-historical development was given only by the fact that all or, at least, the majority of socio-historical organisms “passed through” them.
Of course, researchers who consciously or unconsciously adhered to such an understanding of history could not but see that there were facts that did not fit into their ideas. But they mainly paid attention only to those of these facts that could be interpreted as a "pass" by this or that "people" of this or that socio-economic formation, and explained them as an always possible and even inevitable deviation from the norm, caused by the confluence of certain specific historical circumstances.
The interpretation of the change of formations as a consistent change in the type of existing socio-historical organisms, to a certain extent, was in accordance with the facts of the history of Western Europe in modern times. The replacement of feudalism by capitalism took place here, as a rule, in the form of a qualitative transformation of existing socio-historical organisms. Qualitatively changing, turning from feudal to capitalist, socio-historical organisms at the same time were preserved as special units of historical development.
France, for example, having turned from feudal to bourgeois, continued to exist as France. The late feudal and bourgeois societies of France, despite all the differences between them, have something in common, are consistent
11Ibid. S. 95.
significantly changed stages of the evolution of the French geosocial organism. The same could be observed in England, Spain, Portugal. However, already with Germany and Italy the situation was different: even in the era of late feudalism, neither German nor Italian socio-historical organisms existed.
If we take a look at world history as it was before late feudalism, then the whole of it will in any case appear not as a process of stage-by-stage change of a certain number of initially existing socio-historical organisms. World history has been a process of emergence, development and death of a huge variety of socio-historical organisms. The latter, therefore, coexisted not only in space, next to each other. They arose and perished, replaced each other, replaced each other, that is, they coexisted in time.
If in Western Europe XVI-XX centuries. If there was (and even then not always) a change in the types of socio-historical organisms while maintaining themselves as special units of historical development, then, for example, for the Ancient East, the opposite picture was characteristic: the emergence and disappearance of socio-historical organisms without changing their type. The newly emerged socio-historical organisms in their type, i.e. formation affiliation, did not differ in any way from the dead.
World history does not know of a single socio-historical organism that would "pass through" not only just all the formations, but at least three of them. On the other hand, we know many socio-historical organisms in the development of which there was no change of formations at all. They arose as socio-historical organisms of one specific type and disappeared without undergoing any changes in this respect. They arose, for example, as Asian and disappeared as Asian, appeared as ancient and perished as ancient.
I have already noted that the absence in the Marxist theory of history of the concept of a socio-historical
a serious obstacle to any clear formulation of the problem of interpreting the Marxian scheme for changing socio-economic formations. But at the same time, and to a large extent, it prevented us from realizing the discrepancy that existed between the orthodox interpretation of this scheme and historical reality.
When it was tacitly accepted that all societies should normally “go through” all formations, it was never specified exactly what meaning was put into the word “society” in this context. It could be understood as a socio-historical organism, but it could also be a system of socio-historical organisms and, finally, the entire historical sequence of socio-historical organisms that have changed in a given territory. It was this sequence that was most often meant when they tried to show that a given "country" had "passed through" all or almost all formations. And almost always it was this sequence that was meant when they used the words "regions", "oblasts", "zones".
A means of conscious, and more often unconscious disguise of the discrepancy between the orthodox understanding of the change of formations and real history was also the use of the word "people", and, of course, again without clarifying its meaning. For example, it was said as a matter of course that all peoples, without the slightest exception, “passed through” the primitive communal formation. At the same time, even such an undoubted fact was completely ignored that all modern ethnic communities (peoples) of Europe were formed only in a class society.
But all these, mostly unconscious, manipulations with the words "society", "people", "historical region", etc. did not change the essence of the matter. And it consisted in the fact that the orthodox version of the change in socio-economic formations was indisputably in clear contradiction with historical facts.
It was all the above facts that gave the opponents of Marxism a basis for declaring materialistic
skoe understanding of history as a purely speculative scheme, which is in striking contradiction with historical reality. Indeed, they believed, if socio-economic formations in the overwhelming majority of cases do not act as stages in the development of socio-historical organisms, then by the same token they by no means can be stages of world-historical development.
The question arises whether the above understanding of the change in socio-economic formations was inherent in the founders of historical materialism themselves, or whether it arose later and was a coarsening, simplification, or even distortion of their own views. Undoubtedly, the classics of Marxism have such statements that allow just such, and not any other interpretation.
“The general result that I arrived at,” wrote K. Marx in his famous preface “On the Critique of Political Economy”, containing an exposition of the foundations of historical materialism, “and which later served as a guiding thread in my further research, can be briefly formulated as follows. In the social production of their lives, people enter into certain, necessary, relations independent of their will - relations of production, which correspond to a certain stage in the development of their productive forces. The totality of these production relations constitutes the economic structure of society, the real basis on which the legal and political superstructure rises and to which certain forms of social consciousness correspond ... At a certain stage of its development, the material productive forces of society come into conflict with the existing production relations, or - which only the legal expression of the latter - with the property relations within which they have so far developed. From the forms of development of the productive forces, these relations are transformed into their fetters. Then comes the era of social revolution. With a change in the economic basis, more or less quickly, a revolution takes place in the entire vast super-
construction... Not a single social formation perishes before all the productive forces have developed, for which it gives enough space, and new, higher production relations never appear before the material conditions for their existence in the bowels of the old society have matured.
This statement of K. Marx can be understood in such a way that the change of social formations always occurs within society, and not only society in general, but each specific individual society. And he has many such statements. Outlining his views, V. I. Lenin wrote: “Each such system of production relations is, according to Marx’s theory, a special social organism that has special laws of its origin, functioning and transition to a higher form, transformation into another social organism”13. In essence, speaking of social organisms, V.I. Lenin has in mind not so much real socio-historical organisms as socio-economic formations that really exist in the minds of researchers as social organisms, but, of course, ideal ones. However, he does not specify this anywhere. And as a result, his statement can be understood in such a way that each specific society of a new type arises as a result of the transformation of the socio-historical organism of the previous formational type.
But along with statements similar to the above, K. Marx also has others. Thus, in a letter to the editors of Otechestvennye Zapiski, he objects to N.K. Mikhailovsky’s attempt to turn his “historical sketch of the emergence of capitalism in Western Europe into a historical and philosophical theory of the universal path along which all peoples, no matter how nor were the historical conditions in which they find themselves - in order to eventually arrive at that economic formation, which, along with the greatest flourishing of production,
12Marx K. Decree. slave. pp. 6-7.
13 Lenin V. I. Poly. coll. op. T. 1. S. 429.
powerful forces of social labor and the most complete development of man”14. But this idea was not concretized by K. Marx, and it was practically not taken into account.
Outlined by K. Marx in the preface to the “Critique of Political Economy”, the scheme of the change of formations is to a certain extent consistent with what we know about the transition from primitive society to the first class - Asian. But it does not work at all when we are trying to understand how the second class formation, the ancient one, arose. It was not at all that new productive forces had matured in the depths of Asiatic society, which became crowded within the framework of the old production relations, and that as a result a social revolution took place, as a result of which Asiatic society turned into ancient society. Nothing even remotely similar happened. No new productive forces have arisen in the depths of Asiatic society. Not a single Asian society, taken by itself, has been transformed into an ancient society. The ancient societies appeared in a territory where societies of the Asiatic type either never existed at all, or they had long since disappeared, and these new class societies arose out of the pre-class societies that preceded them.
One of the first, if not the first of the Marxists who tried to find a way out of the situation, was G. V. Plekhanov. He came to the conclusion that Asian and ancient societies are not two successive phases of development, but two parallel types of society. Both of these options equally grew out of a society of a primitive type, and they owe their difference to the peculiarities of the geographical environment.
Soviet philosophers and historians, for the most part, took the path of denying the formational difference between ancient Eastern and ancient societies. As they argued, both ancient Eastern and ancient societies were equally slave-owning. The differences between them consisted only in the fact that some arose earlier, while others - later. In the ancient societies that arose somewhat later, slavery
14Marx K. and Engels F. Op. Ed. 2nd. T. 19. S. 120.
15Plekhanov GV The main questions of Marxism // Selected Philosophical Works. T. 3. M., 1957. S. 164-165.
acted in more developed forms than in the societies of the Ancient East. That, in fact, is all.
And those of our historians who did not want to put up with the position that the ancient Eastern and ancient societies belonged to the same formation, inevitably, most often without even realizing it, again and again resurrected the idea of G. V. Plekhanov. As they argued, two parallel and independent lines of development proceed from primitive society, one of which leads to Asian society, and the other to ancient society.
Things were not much better with the use of Marx's scheme of changing formations to the transition from ancient to feudal society. The last centuries of the existence of ancient society are characterized not by the rise of productive forces, but, on the contrary, by their continuous decline. This was fully recognized by F. Engels. "General impoverishment, the decline of trade, crafts and arts, the reduction of population, the desolation of cities, the return of agriculture to a lower level - such," he wrote, "was the end result of Roman world domination"16. As he repeatedly stressed, ancient society had reached a "dead end". The way out of this impasse was opened only by the Germans, who, having crushed the Western Roman Empire, introduced a new mode of production - the feudal one. And they were able to do this because they were barbarians. But, having written all this, F. Engels in no way coordinated what was said with the theory of socio-economic formations.
An attempt to do this was made by some of our historians, who tried to comprehend the historical process in their own way. These were the same people who did not want to accept the thesis about the formational identity of the ancient Eastern and ancient societies. They proceeded from the fact that the society of the Germans was indisputably barbarian, that is, pre-class, and that it was from it that feudalism arose. From this they concluded that not two, but three equal lines of development proceed from primitive society, one of which leads to Asian society, the other -
16Engels F. From the preparatory work for "Anti-Duhring" // K. Marx and F. Engels. Op. Ed. 2nd. T. 20. S. 643.
17 Engels F. The origin of the family, private property and the state. pp. 148-155.
to the antique, and the third - to the feudal. In order to somehow harmonize this view with Marxism, the position was put forward that Asian, ancient and feudal societies are not independent formations and, in any case, not successively changing stages of world-historical development, but equal modifications of one and the same same formation - secondary. Such an understanding was put forward at one time by the Sinologist L. S. Vasiliev and the Egyptologist I. A. Stuchevsky18.
The idea of one unified pre-capitalist class formation has become widespread in our literature. It was developed and defended by the Africanist Yu. M. Kobishchanov19 and the sinologist V. P. Ilyushechkin20. The first called this single pre-capitalist class formation a large feudal formation, the second - a class society.
The idea of one pre-capitalist class formation was usually combined explicitly or implicitly with the idea of multilinear development. But these ideas could exist separately. Since all attempts to discover in the development of the countries of the East in the period from the USh to. n. e. until the middle of the 19th century. n. e. ancient, feudal and capitalist stages ended in collapse, then a number of scientists concluded that in the case of the change of slave ownership by feudalism, and the latter by capitalism, we are dealing not with a general pattern, but only with the Western European line of evolution and that the development of mankind is not unilinear, but multilinear21. Of course, at that time, all researchers who held such views sought (some sincerely, and some not so much) to prove that the recognition of the multilinear nature of development is in full agreement with Marxism.
18Vasiliev L. S., Stuchevsky I. A. Three models of the emergence of the evolution of pre-capitalist societies / / Questions of history. 1966. No. 5.
19 Kobishchanov Yu. M. Feudalism, slavery and the Asian mode of production//General and special in the historical development of the countries of the East. M., 1966, and other works.
20Ilyushechkin VP The system of non-economic coercion and the problem of the second main stage of social evolution. M., 1970; He is. The system and structure of pre-bourgeois private property exploitation. Issue. 1-2. M., 1980; He is. Estate-class society in the history of China. M., 1986; He is. Exploitation and private property in class societies. M., 1990, and other works.
21See, for example, Danilova L. V. Controversial problems of the theory of pre-capitalist societies / / Problems of the history of pre-capitalist societies. Book. I. M., 1968.
In reality, of course, this was, regardless of the desire and will of the supporters of such views, a departure from the view of the history of mankind as a single process that constitutes the essence of the theory of socio-economic formations. It is not for nothing that L. S. Vasiliev, who at one time argued in every possible way that the recognition of the multi-linearity of development does not in the least differ from the Marxist view of history, later, when the forced imposition of historical materialism was over, acted as an ardent opponent of the theory of social economic formations and, in general, the materialistic understanding of history22.
The recognition of the multilinearity of historical development, which some Russian historians came to back in the days of the formally undivided domination of Marxism, consistently carried out, inevitably leads to a denial of the unity of world history, to its pluralist understanding.
But at the same time, it is impossible not to pay attention to the fact that the seemingly purely unitary understanding of history outlined above, in fact, also, in the final analysis, turns into multi-linearism and the actual denial of the unity of history. After all, in essence, world history, with this understanding, appears as a simple sum of completely independent processes of development of individual socio-historical organisms running in parallel. The unity of world history is thereby reduced only to the generality of the laws that determine the development of socio-historical organisms. Thus, before us are many lines of development, but only completely identical. This, in fact, is not so much unilinearity as multi-linearity.
Of course, there is a significant difference between such multilinearity and multilinearity in the usual sense. The first assumes that the development of all socio-historical organisms follows the same laws. The second admits that the development of different societies can proceed in completely different ways,
22See, for example: Civilizations in the “third” world (“round table”) // Vostok. 1992. No. 3. S. 14-15.
that there are completely different lines of development. Multi-linearity in the usual sense is multi-linearity. The first understanding presupposes the progressive development of all individual societies, and thus human society as a whole, the second excludes the progress of mankind.
True, with the progressive development of human society as a whole, supporters of the orthodox interpretation of the change of formations also had serious problems. After all, it was quite obvious that the change in the stages of progressive development in different societies was far from being synchronous. Say, by the beginning of the 19th century. some societies were still primitive, others were pre-class, still others were "Asiatic", others were feudal, and still others were already capitalist. The question is, at what stage of historical development was human society as a whole at that time? And in a more general formulation, it was a question about the signs by which it was possible to judge what stage of progress human society as a whole had reached in a given period of time. And the supporters of the orthodox version did not give any answer to this question. They totally bypassed it. Some of them did not notice him at all, while others tried not to notice.
If we sum up some results, we can say that a significant drawback of the orthodox version of the theory of socio-economic formations is that it focuses only on “vertical” connections, connections in time, diachronic, and even then understood extremely one-sidedly, only as connections between different stages of development within the same socio-historical organisms. As for the “horizontal” connections, that is, the connections between socio-historical organisms coexisting in space, synchronous, inter-socior connections, they were not given importance in the theory of socio-economic formations. Such an approach made it impossible to understand the progressive development of human society as a whole, the change in the stages of this development on the scale of all mankind, i.e.
a genuine understanding of the unity of world history, closed the road to genuine historical unitarism.
4. Linear-stage and plural-cyclic approaches to history
The Marxist theory of socio-economic formations is one of the varieties of a broader approach to history. It consists in looking at world history as one single process of the progressive, ascending development of mankind. Such an understanding of history presupposes the existence of stages in the development of mankind as a whole. The unitary-stage approach arose long ago. It found its embodiment, for example, in dividing the history of mankind into such stages as savagery, barbarism and civilization (A. Ferguson and others), as well as in subdividing this history into hunting-gathering, pastoral (cattle-breeding), agricultural and commercial and industrial periods (A. Turgot, A. Smith and others). The same approach found its expression in the first three, and then four world-historical epochs in the development of civilized mankind: ancient Eastern, ancient, medieval and modern (L. Bruni, F. Biondo, K. Koehler, etc.).
The flaw that I just spoke about was inherent not only in the orthodox version of the theory of socio-economic formations, but also in all the concepts mentioned above. Such a variant of a unitary-stage understanding of history should most accurately be called unitary-plural-stage. But this word is too clumsy. Since the words “linear” or “linear” are sometimes used to denote this view of history, I will call it linearist. It is precisely this understanding of development that is practically most often meant when one speaks of evolutionism in the historical and ethnological sciences.
As a kind of reaction to this kind of unitary-stage understanding of history, a completely different general approach to history arose. Its essence lies in the fact that humanity is divided into several completely autonomous entities,
each of which has its own, absolutely independent history. Each of these historical formations arises, develops, and sooner or later inevitably perishes. The dead formations are being replaced by new ones that complete exactly the same cycle of development.
Due to the fact that each such historical formation starts everything from the beginning, it cannot introduce anything fundamentally new into history. It follows from this that all such formations are absolutely equal, equivalent. None of them in terms of development is neither lower nor higher than all the others. Each of these formations develops, and for the time being even progressively, but humanity as a whole does not evolve, much less progresses. There is an eternal rotation of many squirrel wheels.
It is not difficult to understand that, according to this view, there is neither human society as a whole, nor world history as a single process. Accordingly, there can be no question of the stages of development of human society as a whole, and thus of the epochs of world history. Therefore, this approach to history is pluralistic.
The pluralist understanding of history did not emerge today. J. A. Gobyno and G. Ruckert stand at its origins. The main provisions of historical pluralism were quite clearly formulated by N. Ya. Danilevsky, brought to the extreme limit by O. Spengler, to a large extent softened by A. J. Toynbee and, finally, acquired caricature forms in the works of L. N. Gumilyov. These thinkers named the historical formations they identified differently: civilizations (J. A. Gobi-no, A. J. Toynbee), cultural-historical individuals (G. Rückert), cultural-historical types (N. Ya. Danilevsky ), cultures or great cultures (O. Spengler), ethnic groups and superethnoi (L. N. Gumilyov). But this did not change the very essence of this understanding of history.
The own constructions of even the classics of the plural-cyclical approach (not to mention their numerous admirers and epigones) were not of particular scientific value. But valuable was the criticism to which they subjected the linear-stage understanding of the historical process.
Before them, many thinkers in their philosophical and historical constructions proceeded from society in general, which acted for them as the only subject of history. Historical pluralists have shown that humanity is actually divided into several largely independent formations, that there is not one, but several subjects of the historical process, and thus, without realizing it, they switched their attention from society in general to human society as a whole.
To some extent, their work contributed to the awareness of the integrity of world history. All of them singled out as independent units of historical development not so much socio-historical organisms as their systems. And although they themselves were not engaged in identifying the links between the socio-historical organisms that form this or that particular system, such a question inevitably arose. Even when they, like O. Spengler, insisted on the absence of connections between the selected units of history, it still made one think about the relationship between them, oriented towards identifying “horizontal” connections.
The writings of historical pluralists not only drew attention to the connections between simultaneously existing separate societies and their systems, but also forced us to take a fresh look at the "vertical" connections in history. It became clear that they could by no means be reduced to relations between stages of development within certain individual societies, that history is discrete not only in space but also in time, that the subjects of the historical process arise and disappear.
It became clear that sociohistorical organisms most often did not transform from one type of society into another, but simply ceased to exist. Socio-historical organisms coexisted not only in space but also in time. And so the question naturally arises about the nature of the ties between the societies that have disappeared and the societies that have taken their place.
At the same time, historians faced the problem of cycles in history with particular urgency. Socio-historical organisms of the past indeed went through periods of prosperity and decline in their development, and often perished. And naturally arose in
The question is how compatible is the existence of such cycles with the idea of world history as a progressive, ascending process.
To date, the plural-cyclical approach to history (usually called “civilizational” in our country) has exhausted all its possibilities and has become a thing of the past. Attempts to revive it, which are now being made in our science, cannot lead to anything but embarrassment. This is clearly evidenced by the articles and speeches of our "civilization-schikov". In essence, they all represent a transfusion from empty to empty.
But even that version of the unitary-stage understanding of history, which was called linear-stage, is in conflict with historical reality. And this contradiction has not been overcome even in the latest unitary-stage concepts (neo-evolutionism in ethnology and sociology, the concepts of modernization and industrial and post-industrial society). All of them remain in principle linear-stadial.
5. Relay-formational approach to world history
At present, there is an urgent need for a new approach that would be unitary-stage, but at the same time take into account the entire complexity of the world-historical process, an approach that would not reduce the unity of history only to the generality of laws, but would imply an understanding of it as a single whole. The real unity of history is inseparable from its integrity.
Human society as a whole exists and develops not only in time but also in space. And the new approach should take into account not only the chronology of world history, but also its geography. It necessarily presupposes the historical mapping of the historical process. World history moves simultaneously in time and space. The new approach will have to capture this movement in both its temporal and spatial aspects.
And all this necessarily involves a deep study of not only "vertical", temporal, diachronic connections, but also
connections "horizontal", spatial, synchronous. "Horizontal" connections are connections between simultaneously existing sociohistorical organisms. Such connections have always existed and exist, if not always between all, then at least between neighboring sociors. Regional systems of sociohistorical organisms have always existed and still exist, and by now a worldwide system has emerged. The connections between sociors and their systems are manifested in their mutual influence on each other. This interaction is expressed in various forms: raids, wars, trade, exchange of cultural achievements, etc.
One of the most important forms of inter-social interaction consists in such an impact of some sociohistorical organisms (or systems of sociohistorical organisms) on others, in which the latter are preserved as special units of historical development, but at the same time, under the influence of the former, they either undergo significant, long-lasting changes, or vice versa. lose the ability to develop further. This is intersocior induction, which can occur in different ways.
It cannot be said that “horizontal” connections have not been studied at all. They were even in the center of attention of supporters of such trends in ethnology, archeology, sociology, history as diffusionism, migrationism, the concept of dependence (dependent development), the world-system approach. But if the supporters of the linear-stage approach absolutized the “vertical” connections in history, neglecting the “horizontal”, then the advocates of a number of the above-mentioned trends, in contrast to them, absolutized the “horizontal” connections and paid obviously insufficient attention to the “vertical” ones. Therefore, neither one nor the other got a picture of the development of world history that would correspond to historical reality.
There can be only one way out of the situation: in the creation of an approach in which stages and inter-socioral induction would be synthesized. No general reasoning about stadiality can help in creating such a new approach. A fairly clear stadial typology of sociohistorical organisms should be taken as the basis. To the present
For a long time, only one of the existing stadial typologies of society deserves attention - the historical-materialistic one.
This does not mean at all that it should be accepted in the form in which it now exists in the works of both the founders of Marxism and their numerous followers. An important feature put by K. Marx and F. Engels as the basis of typology is the socio-economic structure of a socio-historical organism. It is necessary to single out socio-economic types of socio-historical organisms.
The founders of the materialistic understanding of history singled out only the main types of society, which were simultaneously stages of world-historical development. These types were called socio-economic formations. But besides these main types, there are also non-basic socio-economic types, which I will call socio-economic paraformations (from the Greek para - near, near) and socio-economic proformations (from Latin pro - instead). All socio-economic formations are on the highway of world-historical development. The situation is more complicated with paraformations and proformations. But for us in this case, the difference between socio-economic formations, para-formations and pro-formations is not essential. It is important that they all represent socio-economic types of socio-historical organisms.
Starting from a certain point, the most important feature of world history has been the uneven development of sociohistorical organisms and, accordingly, their systems. There was a time when all sociohistorical organisms belonged to the same type. This is the era of early primitive society. Then part of the societies turned into late primitive ones, while the rest continued to retain the same type. With the emergence of pre-class societies, societies of at least three different types began to exist simultaneously. With the transition to civilization, the first class sociohistorical organisms were added to several types of pre-class society, which belonged to the formation that K. Marx called Asian, and I prefer
to call this political (from the Greek. pality - the state). With the emergence of ancient society, there arose class sociohistorical organisms of at least one more type.
I will not continue this series. An important conclusion is that throughout a significant part of world history, sociohistorical organisms of a new and older types simultaneously existed. As applied to modern history, people often spoke of advanced countries and peoples and of backward, or lagging behind, countries and peoples. In the XX century. the latter terms began to be seen as offensive and replaced by others - "underdeveloped" and, finally, "developing" countries.
We need concepts that would be suitable for all eras. Socio-historical organisms of the most advanced type for this or that epoch I will call superior (from lat. super - over, above), and all the rest - inferior (from lat. infra - under). Of course, the difference between the two is relative. Sociors that were superior in one era may become inferior in another. Many (but not all) inferior organisms belong to types that were on the highway of world-historical development, but whose time has passed. With the advent of a higher main type, they turned into extra main ones.
Just as superior sociohistorical organisms can influence inferior ones, so the latter can influence the former. The process of influence of some sociors on others, which has significant consequences for their destinies, has already been called inter-socior induction above. In this case, we are primarily interested in the impact of superior sociohistorical organisms on inferior ones. I deliberately use the word "organism" in the plural here, because inferior organisms are usually influenced not by a single superior socior, but by their whole system. The influence of superior organisms and their systems on inferior organisms and their systems I will call superinduction.
Superinduction can result in the improvement of the inferior organism. In this case, this impact can be called progression. In the case of the opposite result, we can speak of regression. This is
action may result in stagnation. This is stagnation. And, finally, the result of superinduction may be partial or complete destruction of the inferior socior - deconstruction. Most often, the process of superinduction includes all three first moments, usually with the predominance of one of them.
The concepts of superinduction have been created only in our time and in relation only to modern and recent history. These are some concepts of modernization (Europeanization, Westernization), as well as the theory of dependent development and world-systems. In the concepts of modernization, progressization comes to the fore, in the concepts of dependent development - stagnation. The classical world-systems approach tried to uncover the full complexity of the superinduction process. A peculiar assessment of modern superinduction is given in the concept of Eurasianism and in modern Islamic fundamentalism. In them, this process is characterized as regression or even deconstruction.
As applied to more distant times, the developed concepts of superinduction were not created. But this process was noticed by diffusionists and absolutized by hyperdiffusionists. The supporters of pan-Egyptism painted a picture of the "Egyptization" of the world, the advocates of pan-Babylonism painted a picture of its "Babylonization". Historians who stuck to the facts did not create this kind of concept. But they could not fail to notice the processes of superinduction. And if they did not develop special concepts of superinduction, then they introduced terms to designate specific processes of this kind that occurred in certain epochs. These are the terms "Orientalization" (in relation to archaic Greece and early Etruria), "Hellenization", "Romanization".
As a result of progression, the type of the inferior organism may change. In some cases, it can turn into a sociohistorical organism of the same type as those who act on it, i.e., rise to a higher stage of mainline development. This process of “pulling up” inferior organisms to the level of superior ones can be called superiorization. In the concepts of modernization, this option is meant. Lagging behind in their development of society
(traditional, agrarian, pre-modern) are transformed into capitalist (industrial, modern).
However, this is not the only possibility. The other is that under the influence of superior sociors, inferior sociors can turn into sociohistorical organisms of a higher type than the original one, but this stage type does not lie on the highway, but on one of the side paths of historical development. This type is not main, but lateral (from Latin lateralis - lateral). I will call this process lateralization. Naturally, lateral types are not socio-economic formations, but para-formations.
If superiorization is taken into account, then the process of world history can be depicted as one in which a group of sociohistorical organisms develops, rises from one stage of development to another, higher one, and then “pulls” the rest of the sociors that have lagged behind in their development to the levels it has reached. There is an eternal center and an eternal periphery: But this does not provide a solution to the problem.
As has already been pointed out, there is not a single sociohistorical organism in whose development more than two formations would change. And there are many sociors within which the change of formations did not take place at all.
It can be assumed that when a group of superior organisms “pulled up” a certain number of inferior organisms to their level, the latter, in their subsequent development, turned out to be able to independently rise to a new, higher stage of development, while the former turned out to be incapable of this and thus lagged behind. Now the former inferior organisms have become superior, and the former superior organisms have become inferior. In this case, the center of historical development moves, the former periphery becomes the center, and the former center turns into the periphery. With this option, there is a kind of transfer of the historical baton from one group of sociohistorical organisms to another.
All this brings the picture of the world historical process closer to historical reality. The fact that in the development of not a single sociohistorical organism there was a change in the
more than two formations does not in the least interfere with the change of any number of them in the history of mankind as a whole. However, in this version, the change of socio-economic formations is conceived as occurring primarily within socio-historical organisms. But in real history, this is not always the case. Therefore, such a concept does not provide a complete solution to the problem.
But in addition to those discussed above, there is another development option. And with him, the system of superior sociohistorical organisms influences inferior sociors. But these latter, as a result of such influence, undergo more than a peculiar transformation. They do not change into organisms of the same type as those that affect them. Superio-rization does not occur.
But the type of inferior organisms changes in this case. Inferior organisms turn into sociors of a type that, if approached purely outwardly, must be ranked among the lateral ones. This type of society is indeed not a formation, but a paraformation. But this society that has arisen as a result of progressization, i.e. progressized, is capable of further independent progress, and of a special kind. As a result of the action of already purely internal forces, this progressed society is transformed into a society of a new type. And this type of society is undoubtedly already on the highway of historical development. It represents a higher stage of social development, a higher socio-economic formation than that to which the superior sociohistorical organisms belonged, the impact of which served as an impetus for such development. This phenomenon can be called ultrasuperiorization.
If, as a result of superiorization, inferior sociohistorical organisms “pull up” to the level of superior sociors, then as a result of ultrasuperiorization, they “jump over” this level and reach an even higher one. A group of sociohistorical organisms appears that belong to a socio-economic formation higher than that to which the former superior sociors belonged. Now the former become superior, mainline, and the latter turn into inferior, exmagic
steel. There is a change in socio-economic formations, and it occurs not within certain socio-historical organisms, but on the scale of human society as a whole.
It can be said that in this case a change in the types of society also took place within sociohistorical organisms. Indeed, within the inferior sociohistorical organisms, one socio-economic type of society was replaced by another, and then another. But not a single one of the sociors who changed inside these was the formation that had previously dominated, which had previously been the highest. The replacement of this previously dominant formation by a new one, to which the leading role has now passed, did not take place within a single sociohistorical organism. It happened only on the scale of human society as a whole.
With such a change in socio-economic formations, we are faced with a genuine transfer of the historical baton from one group of sociohistorical organisms to another. The last sociors do not go through the stage at which the first ones were, they do not repeat their movement. Entering the highway of human history, they immediately begin to move from the place where the former superior sociohistorical organisms stopped. Ultrasuperiorization takes place when the existing superior sociohistorical organisms are themselves unable to transform into organisms of a higher type.
An example of ultra-superiorization is the emergence of ancient society. Its appearance was absolutely impossible without the influence of Middle Eastern sociohistorical organisms on the previously pre-class Greek sociohistorical organisms. This progressive influence has long been noted by historians who have called this process Orientalization. But as a result of Orientalization, the pre-class Greek Sociores did not become politarian societies like those that existed in the Middle East. From the pre-class Greek society arose first archaic Greece, and then classical Greece.
But besides the above, there is another type of ultrasuperiorization known to history. It took place when, on the one hand, geosocial organisms collided, and on the other, demosocial ones. There can be no question of joining the demosocior to the geosocior. It is only possible to attach to the territory of the geosociore the territory where the demosocior lives. In this case, the demosocior, if he continues to remain in this territory, is included, introduced into the geosocio-ra, continuing to be preserved as a special society. This is a demosocior introduction (lat. introductio - introduction). Both penetration and settlement of the demosoccior on the territory of the geosocio is possible - demosoccior infiltration (from lat. t - in and cf. lat. filtratio - filtering). In both cases, only later, and not always and not soon, does the destruction of the demosocior and the direct entry of its members into the composition of the geosocior occur. This is geo-social assimilation, it is also demo-social annihilation.
Of particular interest is the invasion of the demosocciors into the territory of the geosocio with the subsequent establishment of their dominance over it. This is a demo-social intervention, or a demo-cior intrusion (from lat. Shhshsh - pushed in). In this case, there is a superposition of demosoccioric organisms on a geosoccioric one, the coexistence of two different types of sociors on the same territory. A situation is created when, on the same territory, some people live in a system of some social relations (primarily socio-economic), and the other - in a system of completely different ones. It cannot last too long. Further development follows one of three options.
The first option: demosociors are destroyed, and their members are part of the geosocio, i.e., geosocio assimilation occurs, or demosoccior annihilation. The second option: the geosociore is destroyed, and the people who made it up become members of demosocior organisms. This is demosocial assimilation, or geosocial annihilation.
In the third option, there is a synthesis of geo-socio and demo-socio socio-economic and other social structures. As a result of this synthesis, a new type of society emerges. This type of society is different both from the type of the original geo-
sociora, and the type of initial demosociors. Such a society may turn out to be capable of independent internal development, as a result of which it rises to a higher stage of mainline development than the original super-ior geosocial organism. As a consequence of such ultra-superiorization, there will be a change in socio-economic formations on the scale of human society as a whole. And again, this happens when the original superior organism is not able to turn into a society of a higher type. Such a process took place during the replacement of antiquity by the Middle Ages. Historians at the same time speak of a Romano-Germanic synthesis.
Ultrasuperiorization in both of its variants is a process of handing over the baton on the historical highway from superior sociohistorical organisms of the old type to superior sociohistorical organisms of a new, higher type. The discovery of ultrasuperiorization makes it possible to create a new version of the unitary-stage understanding of world history, which can be called unitary-relay-stage, or simply relay-stage.
Let me remind you that, as applied to the theory of socio-economic formations, the question was raised: is the pattern of formation change an ideal model for the development of each socio-historical organism, taken separately, or does it express the internal necessity for the development of only all of them taken together, i.e. ...only the entire human society as a whole? As has already been shown, practically all Marxists were inclined towards the first answer, which made the theory of socio-economic formations one of the options for a linear-stage understanding of history.
But a second answer is also possible. In this case, socio-economic formations act primarily as stages in the development of human society as a whole. They can also be stages in the development of individual socio-historical organisms. But this is optional. The linear-stage understanding of the change in socio-economic formations is in conflict with historical reality. But besides it, another thing is also possible - a relay-stadial one.
Of course, the relay-formational understanding of history is emerging only now. But the idea of a historical relay race, and even a relay-stage approach to world history, was born quite a long time ago, although it never enjoyed wide recognition. This approach arose from the need to combine the ideas of the unity of mankind and the progressive nature of its history with the facts that testify to the division of mankind into separate entities that arise, flourish and perish.
For the first time this approach originated in the works of French thinkers of the 16th century. J. Boden and L. Leroy. In the 17th century it was adhered to by the Englishman J. Hakewill, in the 18th century. - Germans I. G. Herder and I. Kant, Frenchman K. F. Volney. This approach to history was deeply developed in the Lectures on the Philosophy of History by G. W. F. Hegel, and in the first half of the 19th century. was developed in the works of such Russian thinkers as P. Ya. Chaadaev, I. V. Kireevsky, V. F. Odoevsky, A. S. Khomyakov, A. I. Herzen, P. L. Lavrov. After that, he was almost completely forgotten.
Now it's time to revive it on a new basis. A new version of the relay-stage approach is the relay-formational understanding of world history. This is a modern form of the theory of socio-economic formations that meets the current level of development of historical, ethnological, sociological and other social sciences.
There is only one way to prove the correctness of such an approach to world history: to draw, guided by it, such a complete picture of world history, which would be more in line with the facts accumulated by historical science than all currently existing. Such an attempt was made by me in a number of works, to which I refer
23For details on all this, see: Yu. I. Semyonov, Secrets of Clio. A concise introduction to the philosophy of history. M., 1996.
24See: Yu. I. Semenov. World history as a single process of human development in time and space//Philosophy and Society. 1997. No. 1; He is. World history in the most concise presentation//East. 1997. No. 2.