Zhanaozen events through the eyes of a teenager. Zhanaozen blood
Kazakh oil and gas workers sought equal pay with Chinese specialists
Last Friday, December 16, the Kazakh city of Zhanaozen was engulfed in riots. Authorities claim 10 dead, but eyewitnesses say dozens are dead. Mobile communications and the Internet are disabled, all entries and exits from the city are blocked. Thus, the authorities put up a powerful barrier to the exit of any information from the city. It is also reported that the riots in the oil Zhanaozen were suppressed with the involvement of the troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and armored vehicles.
On Friday, Zhanaozen, Kazakhstan's Mangistau region, escalated a seven-month protest by workers at Ozenmunaigas, a subsidiary of KazMunayGas, the country's largest oil corporation. Since June of this year, a strike of workers from fields near Zhanaozen (Ozenmunaigas) and Aktau (Karazhanbasmunai, also a subsidiary of KazMunayGas) has been going on, demanding that wages be brought in line with international standards, equalizing it with the amounts that they receive attracting Chinese specialists, improving working conditions, creating an independent trade union. As a result, several hundred workers were laid off; arrested and convicted were trade union lawyer Natalya Sokolova, trade union leaders Akzhanat Aminov and Kuanysh Sisenbaev, and over 30 other activists. Some of those arrested tried to commit suicide. Because of the protests, Ozenmunaigas was unable to meet its annual oil production plan.
In the summer Zhanaozen was shocked by two murders. On August 2, trade union activist Zhaksylyk Turbaev was found murdered at the Munaifilterservice enterprise. The murder took place after a meeting where Turbaev initiated the re-election of the chairman of the trade union organization, who, in the opinion of the workers, was pursuing the policy of the employer. So far, the police have no suspects. And on August 24, the body of the missing 18-year-old Zhansaule Karabalaeva, the daughter of Kudaibergen Karabalaev, the chairman of the trade union committee of workers of the Ozenmunaigas company, was discovered. Oil workers believe that these events are directly related to the strike and that these crimes are an attempt to intimidate the strikers.
On December 16, the Independence Day of the republic, the workers went to a previously announced rally in the central square of Zhanaozen, where the city authorities, in turn, were going to hold a festive event. More than 5,000 people are said to have attended.
According to non-state media, in the midst of the rally, a police UAZ deliberately crashed into the crowd, which provoked the protesters - the angry crowd overturned the police car, after which they set fire to the police bus.
Some of the protesters managed to report on social networks that the riots were started by an organized group of 30 people dressed in black jackets and hats (the striking oil workers took to the square in the Ozenmunaigas work uniform - blue and burgundy). This is also confirmed by a video from a mobile phone posted on YouTube. After the excess, the police left the rally, but after a while, internal troops were drawn to the square, which opened fire on the demonstrators.
From a social media post: 70 people were killed and more than 500 injured. The Prosecutor General's Office of Kazakhstan confirmed the "death of 10 people." A criminal case has been initiated, over 70 people have already been detained under the article “Organization of mass riots”.
Human rights activists learned about the situation only after an urgent collection of donated blood was started in the Aktau hospital (the nearest large city). All non-state media and websites of human rights organizations are blocked, roads to Zhanaozen are blocked, cellular communications, telephone lines and the Internet are disconnected in the region. Twitter was also blocked in Kazakhstan.
The protesters burned down the buildings of the city akimat (mayor's office), the office of Ozenmunaigaz, a hotel, and seized several buildings. Marines were introduced into the city, information about armored vehicles appeared. The local city hospital could not cope with the influx of the wounded, it is reported that some of the victims were taken to Aktau.
On Saturday morning, an investigative-operational group led by the head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the republic, Kalmukhanbet Kasymov, left for Zhanaozen. A few hours later, Kasymov said that the riots had been suppressed, and repeated the figures previously announced by the Prosecutor General's Office - 10 people were killed, 75 were hospitalized. The head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs also said that "there is no one on the central square now."
The Ozenmunaigas enterprise issued an official statement that their workers did not take part in the riots. However, the next day after the tragedy, the company was forced to announce that some of the employees did not go to work after the protest action that ended in shooting: families. In this regard, round-the-clock duty of workers already at the field was organized, which made it possible to maintain the daily level of production.”
In Aktau, 300 people were detained for actions of solidarity with the workers of Zhanaozen, and “preventive conversations” were held with them. The solidarity rally in Alma-Ata did not take place - the authorities blocked the square where the event of national patriots was taking place at that moment, and a few hours before, activists of the Socialist Movement of Kazakhstan were detained, who were passing information to journalists about what was happening in Zhanaozen.
The events in Zhanaozen occurred at the beginning of the election race. Elections to the Majilis (lower house of parliament) are extraordinary: in mid-November, President Nazarbayev dissolved this body of representative power, declaring "the need to develop pluralism and democratic processes in the country." The oppositional unregistered coalition "Halyk Maidany-People's Front" has already demanded from the authorities to postpone the elections to the Mazhilis of the Parliament of Kazakhstan because of the unrest in Zhanaozen.
At the time of signing the issue, it became known that the President of Kazakhstan, Nursultan Nazarbayev, signed a decree on the introduction of a state of emergency in the city of Zhanaozen. A curfew has been declared.
In the center of events
Paul MURPHY, MEP, Socialist Party of Ireland:
- According to the information that I have: 70 protesters were killed, 500 were injured. According to the International Workers' Committee, the execution of protesters began at 11.40 am (9.20 Moscow time). The workers occupied part of the buildings in the city, some of the buildings were burned down. 1,500 marines and tanks were brought into Zhanaozen. At 12.30, oil production in the region was stopped.
An employee of one of the TV channels, Aktau:
- The fact that the demonstration was peaceful is not entirely true. I was born and raised in this area. Protests have been taking place in Zhanaozen since 2008. A spark is enough to make the situation critical.
Zhanna BAYSALOVA, freelance journalist, Alma-Ata:
— We managed to get through to one Zhanaozen activist, Sholpan. She was in the hospital at the time of the demonstration. They are all shocked by the official information that the Prosecutor General's Office confirmed only 10 people were killed. She says she has only personally seen 25 bodies. Her husband was also wounded, he was shot in the legs. I also managed to say that now there are no unrest in the city, but there is “some kind of confusion” ... Then the connection was interrupted. Domestic flights to Aktau (the closest major city to Zhanaozen. — E.K.) in Kazakhstan have been cancelled.
Today at 11 am, a demonstration of solidarity with the workers of Zhanaozen was to take place on the Republic Square in Alma-Ata. The authorities cordoned off everything, and as a result, some kind of patriotic event took place there, the nationalists laid flowers at the stele of the victims of the 1986 uprising. At 8.30 in the morning, the police came to our activists who were talking to journalists in Zhanaozen. They detained Larisa Boyar, Arman Ozholbalbaev, Dmitry Tikhonov, took them to the Bostandyk police department, and have now released them. Two policemen also came for me, I didn’t let them in, they stayed in the yard, they were waiting in the car for me to get out. They've gone now, it seems.
December 16, 2011 on the main square of the city of Zhanaozen, which 150 km from Aktau, after seven months of oil workers' strike, mass riots took place, as a result of the suppression of which 1 4 Human,64 people were injured. After that, in the city by presidential decree Nursultan Nazarbayev a state of emergency was introduced, which lasted until January 27, 2012. To clarify the circumstances of the events, six commissions were created, three of them related to the government.
On May 24, 2012, three former top managers of oil companies were sentenced to various terms of imprisonment. June 4, 2012 in the riot case 12 people were sentenced to imprisonment for a term of three to seven years. On October 8 of the same year, an oppositionist was sentenced to seven and a half years in prison on charges of inciting social discord during the Zhanaozen events. Vladimir Kozlov. In addition, the former head of the Zhanaozen temporary detention facility, police lieutenant, was on trial on charges of abuse of office. Zhenisbek Temirov. He was sentenced to five years in prison for illegal detention in a temporary detention center Bazarbay Kenzhebaev, who died from injuries received during detention on December 16.
Akim of Zhanaozen, acting at that time, was also under investigation. Orak Sarbopeev, later sentenced to 10 years in prison.
During this time, the city has had three akims.
In the first year, buildings damaged during the riots were restored. The total damage was estimated at 250 million tenge. At the same time, 7 new playgrounds appeared in the microdistricts of the city, repair of roads began.
In December 2013, a sports and recreation complex named after Rakhmet Utesinov was opened, built at the expense of KazMunayGas Exploration Production JSC with subsequent gratuitous transfer to the city.
In January 2014, a new recreation park was opened, for which 51 million tenge from the local budget.
Zhanaozen is one of 27 monotowns of Kazakhstan. As of January 1, 2016, the city was inhabited by 113.4 thousand people, or 18% of the entire population of the Mangistau region.
In 2015, under the program for the development of single-industry towns, Zhanaozen was sent 1.2 billion tenge: 345.7 million tenge - on the diversification of the economy and the development of small and medium-sized businesses, 820 million tenge - for the development of engineering infrastructure. In addition, it was issued 2 grants for the amount 5 million tenge for the creation of new industries, as well as subsidized 9 projects for total cost 530.9 million tenge.
In October 2017, as part of the implementation of the President's program "Development of Regions", six boiler houses were launched in the city. At the same time, the Kaspiy intellectual kindergarten was opened, which is attended by 147 children. Before that, in 2015, four kindergartens were built on 320 seats every.
In October 2018, a water treatment plant was launched in test mode on the territory of the existing Zhanaozen water treatment plant. The construction of the facility lasted 4 years.
- The problem of drinking water in the city has not been solved for many years. The construction of this facility will provide residents of the city with high-quality drinking water. According to the Comprehensive Plan for the Socio-Economic Development of the city of Zhanaozen in the period 2012-2020, it is planned to connectabout 7 thousand residential buildings private sector. The construction of additional water treatment facilities will satisfy the city’s need for an increase in the tank farm of water supply for three days, with the expectation of150 thousand people, - said the akim of the Mangystau region Yeraly Tugzhanov, arrived then on a working visit to Zhanaozen.
In addition, the Beibitshilik residential complex is being built in Zhanaozen. According to the project, they will build 23 houses for 1376 apartments. Construction is scheduled to be completed in December 2022.
Zhanaozen turned 50 this year. For the anniversary of the city, a local businessman made a gift worth 47 million tenge- a dancing fountain, illuminated by multi-colored lamps.
Since November 2017, the Nur Capital program has been available to residents of Zhanaozen - a project to support SMEs, providing for lending to Zhanaozen residents under 1%. The program is financed at the expense of the Damu Fund and Ozenmunaigas JSC.
In the near future, it is planned to begin construction of the roads Zhanaozen - Kendirli - the border of the Republic of Turkmenistan and Kuryk - Zhetibai.
The riots in southwestern Kazakhstan, accompanied by deaths, have become an extremely alarming signal for a country that has so far been considered more stable and calm than many of its neighbors in the post-Soviet space. Regardless of how events play out, the image of "stability" that has been created by the authorities for 20 years has been dealt a serious blow.
The versions that have appeared about who can be blamed for the events in Zhanaozen have been distributed according to quite expected vectors. Some blame the authorities for what happened, noting that they ignored the claims of the oil workers on strike in Zhanaozen and provoked a social explosion. Others suspect that the authorities themselves had a hand in organizing the riots (in order, as supporters of this version believe, to get a pretext for reprisals against the strikers).
Still others see in what happened the features of the "color revolution", the next episode of the "Arab spring" - a series of rebellions supported by the West in the countries of Africa and the Middle East, which began with rallies and riots, and ended with a change of power.
Whether the riots in southwestern Kazakhstan are the beginning of the "Kazakh winter" is debatable. So far, it is clear that at least attempts are being made to turn the situation in a similar direction. In the regional center of Aktau, where solidarity actions with Zhanaozen oil workers are taking place, some are already demanding the resignation of Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev. The resource "Socialist Resistance of Kazakhstan", which previously tried to present the events in Zhanaozen as an "uprising", calls for mass protests, the resignation of the current leadership of the country and the convening of a "constituent assembly". And the former son-in-law of Nazarbayev, Rakhat Aliyev, who is abroad, threatens his former father-in-law with the fate of Muammar Gaddafi.
Zhanaozen
Regardless of who organized the riots and why, they took place where they were to be expected. The last six months in Zhanaozen (a city of oil workers located in the Mangistau region) workers of the local enterprise Ozenmunaigaz have been on strike. Part of the staff refused to go to work, demanding an increase in salaries (more precisely, that increasing coefficients be taken into account when calculating salaries). The employer considered the strikers' demands unfounded. Many of the strikers were fired "for being absent from work without good reason." At the same time, former employees continued to protest - out of habit they were called "on strike", although in fact it was no longer a strike, but an attempt to regain their jobs.
The strikers (and those who were fired) gathered on the central square of Zhanaozen - near the building of the city administration. On the whole, the actions went smoothly. On the part of the authorities, there were attempts to disperse the gathering, but it did not come to clashes "wall to wall".
In the debate over whether the claims of the oil workers can be considered justified, over the past months, enough arguments have been made - both in favor of the strikers and against them. Critics said that oil workers in any case receive decently and that it is a sin for them to complain - in comparison, for example, with teachers. This argument was also supported by the employer: KMG EP, whose subsidiary is Ozenmunaigas, noted that the average salary in OMG is about 300 thousand tenge (about two thousand dollars).
Supporters of the strikers objected that although the salaries of oil workers are not small, the prices in Zhanaozen are quite high (according to Radio Azattyk, the local service of Radio Liberty, it happens that prices in the city rise on the days when oil workers are paid salaries - "and back, to the previous mark, as a rule, do not return"). In addition, as oil sympathizers have stated, the salaries of the strikers are well below average. Maintenance and technical personnel, according to Fergana, "earn two to three times less, and they are the backbone of the strikers" (according to KMG EP, a significant part of the strikers are drivers of special equipment).
The skeptics thought it strange the behavior of people who, being fired from the enterprise, do not try to get at least some kind of job, but instead continue to "strike" for months. What have they been living on all this time? There were versions that the protests were financed by someone. In the ranks of the protesters, they say that they receive help mainly from relatives - and from "the people." "As for bread, the people help," says Aiman Ongarbayeva, a former employee of Ozenmunaigas.
But it's not just about salaries. Residents of the city of oil workers complain about the poor condition of housing (houses built back in the 1960s - 1970s), interruptions in water and electricity. “All petrodollars go to Astana and Almaty. We are living in this devastation, although, as foreigners say, with such underground wealth, the roofs of Zhanaozen houses should be made of golden slate,” says one of the local residents. barely make ends meet."
Dissatisfaction with the distribution of income and social benefits associated with oil production has long roots. Even under Soviet rule, this kind of sentiment became a breeding ground for the riots that took place in the city. Then, in 1989, in Zhanaozen (at that time it was still called Novy Uzen) there were clashes and pogroms directed against immigrants from the Caucasus. To suppress the unrest, special forces had to be brought into the city (according to some reports, even armored vehicles were used).
Representatives of the leadership of Kazakhstan then admitted that the prerequisites for the events in Novy Uzen were, among other things, the domestic disorder of local residents, the lack of jobs, and infrastructure facilities. At that time, Literaturnaya Gazeta also drew attention to this. "Extreme social bitterness is the cause of unrest in Novy Uzen," the newspaper wrote. "Naturally, the targets of the crisis were ... hucksters, cooperators, managers of deficits. And among them there were many people from the Caucasus ..."
All this, of course, does not justify either those who organized pogroms then, or those who three days ago were engaged in arson and looting. It's just that the authorities, having taken timely measures, could lower the degree of social discontent - instead of waiting for someone to try to use this discontent.
Power
The version that the unrest in Zhanaozen was a provocation set up by the authorities appeared rather quickly. Its supporters argue that the security forces needed a reason to disperse a peaceful protest and that the aggravation of the situation, accordingly, was in the hands of the authorities. "It's in their [government's] interests, because it irritates them," Vladimir Kozlov, an opposition politician and leader of the unregistered Alga party, said. queue".
The editor-in-chief of "Fergana" Daniil Kislov compares what happened in Zhanaozen with the events of 2005 in Uzbek Andijan, where "a multi-day rally of Muslims demanding the court to acquit their brothers turned into a terrorist act in a few hours." “In both cases, violence by opponents turned out to be extremely beneficial for the authorities. The authorities either calmly await this violence, forcing the peaceful crowd to turn into a brutal herd by their inaction, or actively kindle the fire of hatred,” he believes. the actions of the crowd, the authorities are free to 'wet' opponents to the fullest."
In addition, according to Kislov, the situation can also be used by the authorities as an excuse to "tighten the screws" before the upcoming parliamentary elections - for example, to "anti-terrorist" block the Internet or put pressure on the opposition.
If desired, in favor of this kind of version, the news received on the eve of the riots that the strikers seemed to be going to put forward demands of a political nature, namely, to demand the resignation of Nursultan Nazarbayev, can be interpreted in favor of this kind of version. This was reported on December 15 by the opposition newspaper Respublika, which sympathizes with the strikers. According to her, just on December 16, the oil workers were preparing to "organize a large-scale peaceful protest and put forward a demand for the president's resignation." Appeals to support the action, according to the publication, were contained in leaflets distributed in the Mangistau region on behalf of a certain "initiative group of residents."
That is, developing the version of the "provocation of the authorities", one could assume that the authorities did not want the strike to develop into a political action and provoked clashes in order to get a pretext for dispersal.
Such versions, however, seem to underestimate the significance of the start date of the riots. Assuming that the authorities chose the day to break up the riots, then December 16 is the worst option they could think of. Not only is it Independence Day. Not only that, this Independence Day is an anniversary one (the 20th anniversary of Kazakhstan). So this is also the anniversary of "Zheltoksan" - the December events of 1986, when a protest rally against the appointment of a new leader of (then Soviet) Kazakhstan was brutally dispersed in Alma-Ata.
If the authorities were so eager to disperse the strikers that they were ready to undermine the image of "stability" they had created, why was it necessary to increase the negative effect for themselves by choosing December 16? It is unlikely that the leadership of Kazakhstan and its law enforcement agencies did not understand what kind of resonance throughout the country the massacre on Independence Day could cause.
Signs of a "revolution"
The version, according to which the unrest in the south-west of Kazakhstan is an attempt to realize the scenario of the "Arab spring" in the republic, also did not take long. Rallies that develop into riots are, in general, an almost indispensable attribute of "revolutions". The dead and injured are declared "victims of the regime", and the fact of death is used to justify the "revolutionary struggle".
“Well, in general, you have seen everything, gentlemen,” writes Yaroslav Krasienko on the Geopolitika.kz portal. “And now you know what Libya is at your place…”
“Now there will be a VERY powerful information attack,” he continues. “Very powerful. Like never before ... And we will be powerless to watch how a wave of lies is launched around the world. the police ... are turning into an "army that brutally suppressed popular uprisings" like our house ... is turning into a "bloody dictatorship" that urgently needs "the intervention of the civilized world community"".
Possible goals of destabilizing the situation in Kazakhstan, in his opinion, are also "cutting off China from energy resources", "weakening the southern borders of Russia", "disintegration of the Customs Union and preventing the creation of the Eurasian one".
This version has not yet been officially developed. Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev only stated that the riots were financed by someone (promising to find out "where the funding comes from and who is doing it"). His adviser Yermukhamet Yertysbaev was more verbose. Stating that this is his personal point of view, Yertysbayev noted that "external forces could also have had a hand in the events in Zhanaozen." "Judging by the very clear organization, iron discipline, this is, without a doubt, a carefully planned and well-funded, in my opinion, action," he added.
Speaking about the possible involvement of "outside forces" in an interview with Tengrinews, the presidential adviser did not point fingers at anyone in particular. However, there were no hints. Inviting the journalist "to draw some conclusions through the prism of a comparative analysis," Yertysbaev mentioned the speech of the former president's son-in-law, Rakhat Aliyev, on the events in Zhanaozen (the presidential adviser called Aliyev, who lives in Malta, a "state criminal" and his statements were provocative).
He also named the disgraced oligarch Mukhtar Ablyazov, who settled in the UK in 2009 amid allegations of embezzlement against him in his homeland. The media that are considered close to Ablyazov (the opposition newspaper Respublika, the K+ TV channel broadcasting to Kazakhstan from abroad - they actively covered the events in Zhanaozen, while the Respublika presented what happened as an "uprising"), Yertysbaev accused of waging an information war. Ablyazov himself - that he was "preparing to sweep away the regime."
Rakhat Aliyev, the day after the riots, addressed Nazarbayev, blaming him for the "mass killings of citizens of Kazakhstan." The author of the appeal suggested that the former father-in-law announce the date of his resignation and repent before the people. In conclusion, he mentioned "the fate of Ceausescu and Gaddafi." Ablyazov, by the way, made a similar statement a month ago - on the occasion of the massacre in Taraz, where a terrorist armed to the teeth killed seven people. The disgraced banker said then that "the myth of prosperity burst together with Nazarbayev" and that "as a result of Nazarbayev's twenty years of rule, we see today all the prerequisites for the onset of chaos in Kazakhstan." This was followed by a call for the resignation of Nazarbayev (with the usual reference to the fate of Gaddafi).
In favor of the "revolutionary" version, if desired, one can also interpret the fact that young people participated in the riots, which have nothing to do with the striking oil workers (the strikers themselves admitted that unknown people turned out to be in their ranks, who provoke further confrontation and "sow confusion"), and the fact that the rioters were armed with "Molotov cocktails" (according to the prosecutor's office - also with firearms), and the fact that the riots were later repeated in another place - at Shetpe station, where the train was set on fire. Meanwhile, in the regional center of Aktau, where actions of solidarity with the residents of Zhanaozen were held, a group of citizens demanded Nazarbayev's resignation. They said they were "tired of him". We can also mention the call of the "Socialist resistance of Kazakhstan" to a general protest, the resignation of the country's leadership and the transfer of "all wealth, enterprises and banks under the control of workers' committees."
P.S.
Edil Baisalov, a politician from neighboring "revolutionary" Kyrgyzstan, among others, also spoke about the events in Zhanaozen (after last year's rebellion, he headed the apparatus of the "provisional government" for some time). In his opinion, the "color revolution" does not threaten Kazakhstan yet. "Events are isolated," Baisalov noted knowingly. "The population of the capital is important for the success of any revolution. And in the two capitals of Kazakhstan - Astana and Alma-Ata [the former capital] - it's calm. The events in Zhanaozen will only lead to the strengthening of the Nazarbayev regime ". The leadership of Kazakhstan can only hope that this assessment will turn out to be correct.
I think that those people (including those who identify themselves as leftists) who put forward conspiracy theories of external forces regarding the current conflict in Kazakhstan, it will be useful to get acquainted with the history of the conflict, which has been going on for more than three years.
"The city-forming enterprise of the 120,000-strong city of oil workers Zhanaozen (until 1992 - Novy Uzen) in Kazakhstan is Ozenmunaigas, a subsidiary of JSC Exploration Production Kazmunaigas (part of the state oil and gas company Kazmunaigas). Ozenmunaigas works at the field Uzen (annual production volume - 6.3 million tons). Another field in the basin - Karazhanbas - is operated by Karazhanbasmunai (50% each belongs to Exploration Production KazMunayGas JSC and Chinese CITIC). For more than three years, the conflict between oilmen in the Mangistau region has continued " Ozenmunaigaz and Karazhanbasmunai, on the one hand, and their employers, on the other.
On March 1, 2010, Ozenmunaigas employees went on strike to protest against the transition to a new wage system. Until March 18, according to official data, from 1.5 to 3.8 thousand people out of 9.1 thousand did not go to work. As a result of the negotiations, most of the demands of the protesters were satisfied, the head of the company, Bagytkali Bisekenov, resigned.
On October 21, part of the workers of Ozenmunaigas did not come to work, protesting against the detention on charges of drug possession of one of the active participants in the strike movement. On October 26, the strike was called off.
In early May 2011, 10 Ozenmunaigas workers went on a hunger strike.
On May 27, 1,500 employees of the company went on strike in support of the hungry. The protesters demanded an increase in wages from the average at the enterprise 250-300 thousand tenge per month to 500-600 thousand tenge. Workers of Karazhanbasmunai joined the protests.
On June 2, about 450 oil workers gathered in Aktau near the regional administration building, demanding a meeting with the governor of the Mangistau region, Krymbek Kusherbayev, in order to convey to him an appeal to Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev.
On June 28, Exploration Production Kazmunaigas JSC announced a possible reduction in the consolidated volume of oil production in 2011 by 4% from the previously planned level of 13.5 million tons. Protests were cited as the main reason.
On July 3, British singer Sting, having received information about pressure on oil workers and trade union leaders in Zhanaozen from Amnesty International, canceled a concert in Astana in solidarity with them.
On August 2, in Zhanaozen, trade union activist Zhaksylyk Turbaev was found murdered at the oilfield service enterprise of Munayfieldservice LLP, a contractor of Exploration Production Kazmunaigas JSC.
On August 9, the Aktau city court sentenced Karazhanbasmunai trade union lawyer Natalya Sokolova to six years in prison for "inciting social hatred" and "violating the rules for organizing and holding meetings, rallies, pickets, street marches and demonstrations."
On August 24, near Zhanaozen, the body of 18-year-old Zhansaule Karabalaeva, the daughter of Kurdaibergen Karabalaev, the chairman of the trade union committee of one of the departments of Ozenmunaigas, was discovered.
As of September 1, 2011, 991 employees of the Ozenmunaigas branch and 993 employees of Karazhanbasmunai JSC were fired due to participation in illegal protests.(Source - Kommersant)
External and internal forces may try to take advantage of this conflict. But this does not mean that you need to put the cart before the horse, falling into conspiracy theories, which have nothing to do with either leftist ideology or materialism.
I also hope that our employers and government officials will take into account the bitter experience of their Kazakh colleagues and will not bring the people to such a state. Otherwise, you will have to pay too dearly for your policy of saving on people.
Research by the European Center for Geopolitical Analysis: Paris-Prague-Brussels-Warsaw, 2012. publishes the paper in abbreviated form
Introduction
The Republic of Kazakhstan is a young, rapidly developing state in Central Asia. This country is a strategically important partner for Europe. Kazakhstan is rich in hydrocarbons and other minerals. It is one of the key elements of the transport system linking the European Union with China and other dynamic Asian economies. This country is the leader of economic development and the most important factor of stability in the region directly bordering Afghanistan.
In December 2011, when the people of Kazakhstan were celebrating the twentieth anniversary of their country's independence, a resonant conflict took place in one of its western regions. In the city of Zhanaozen, workers of oil-producing enterprises, after a long strike, destroyed the office of their company, the building of the local government, and other objects of the city. To suppress the riots, the police used weapons, 14 people were killed.
This incident in Zhanaozen exposed a significant number of risks and challenges currently facing the authorities in this oil-rich Central Asian republic. And we are not talking only about the problems of the social sphere or labor legislation. The conflict between the workers and the administration of the national oil company, which began with demands for higher wages and ended in riots and human casualties, revealed a large set of unresolved problems in various planes of Kazakhstan's existence - from political to cultural, from economic to social.
Considering that the Republic of Kazakhstan is a part of other entities - the Commonwealth of Independent States, the Customs Union, the Collective Security Treaty Organization, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, then it is necessary to predict how the conflict in the republic - even the most local one - may resonate in the problem areas of these organizations, operating in close proximity to continental Europe.
Considering the complex internal problems that Kazakhstan inherited from the USSR, from defense to environmental, from interethnic to tribal, the first wake-up call that sounded in this country in December last year should be comprehensively studied. And preferably from a variety of angles and on a variety of analytical platforms. Otherwise, both the republic and its environment run the risk of getting completely unexpected unpredictable results in the future.
1. Republic of Kazakhstan
1.1 General information
Kazakhstan (Republic of Kazakhstan) is a state located in the southeast of Europe and extending to the republics of Central Asia and the borders of China. In terms of area, it ranks ninth among the states of the world (2 million 724.9 thousand km²). Location: from the eastern edge of the Volga Delta in the west to the Altai Mountains in the east, from the West Siberian Plain and the southern tip of the Urals in the north to the Tien Shan mountain system and the Kyzylkum desert in the south of the country.
It borders in the north and west with the Russian Federation - 7548.1 km, in the east - with China - 1782.8 km, in the south - with Kyrgyzstan - 1241.6 km, Uzbekistan - 2351.4 km and Turkmenistan - 426.0 km. The total length of land borders is 13,392.6 km. It is washed by the waters of the inland Caspian and Aral Seas. Kazakhstan is a country that does not have access to the oceans.
In administrative-territorial terms, it is divided into 14 regions and 2 cities of republican significance. Economically and geographically it is divided into Central, Western, Eastern, Northern and Southern regions.
According to the global competitiveness index prepared within the framework of the World Economic Forum (Davos), the republic has been receiving the same number of points in the ranking for a rather long period - since 2009: 4.1, ranking from 66th to 72nd.
According to its political structure, Kazakhstan is a presidential republic, which implies a significant role of the president in the system of state bodies, the combination in his hands of broad powers, including those influencing other branches of power - the judiciary and the legislature. In many ways, the political structure of Kazakhstan was borrowed from the model of the political structure of the Fifth French Republic, which implies that the president is the head of state, direct control remains with the government, and the parliament is engaged in legislative activities. However, many political scientists note that at the present stage, Kazakhstan is a super-presidential republic with practically unlimited powers of the president.
The economy of Kazakhstan is characterized by significant sectoral distortions - in particular, over the years of independence (since 1991), strong growth has been recorded mainly in the oil and gas and uranium mining industries, slight growth in metallurgy and the construction industry. For other indicators (excluding the development of communications, which is associated with scientific and technological progress), the republic continues to experience stagnation, which began in the Soviet period: this trend is especially characteristic of the country's industry.
Not too expressive growth is characterized by the social sphere of the republic - health care and education. The quantitative growth in the number of educational institutions is not accompanied by an increase in the level of education.
The country's agriculture is experiencing no less serious problems. In particular, animal husbandry is experiencing a long decline associated with a sharp reduction in the forage base, the lack of breeding work and the unwillingness of the state to make large-scale investments. The only supported sector in the industry is grain and related flour milling. For other parameters of crop production, a long decline and general stagnation are recorded.
1.2 Western Kazakhstan
Western Kazakhstan is an economic and geographical region within the Republic of Kazakhstan. It includes Aktobe region, West Kazakhstan region, Mangistau region and Atyrau region. The region borders in the north with the Russian Federation, in the south - with the states of Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. Total territory: 736,129 km² (approximately the territory of such states as France and Great Britain combined). Location: from the eastern edge of the Volga delta in the west to the Turan lowland in the southeast, from the southern spurs of the Urals and General Syrt in the north to the Ustyurt plateau and the Turkmen deserts in the south. It is washed by the waters of the inland Caspian and Aral Seas.
Large cities (official statistics for 2010):
Aktobe - 357,193 people.
Aktau - 256,440 people.
Uralsk - 249,819 people.
Atyrau - 200,640 people.
Zhanaozen - over 120,000 people.
According to statistics from 2010, the population of the region was 2,363,450 people, of which 1,864,441 are Kazakhs and 301,427 are Russians. Ukrainians, Tatars, Belarusians, Germans, Koreans, Azerbaijanis, and others also live. In terms of language, Western Kazakhstan is predominantly Kazakh-speaking.
1.3 Socio-economic situation of the region
To begin with, let's make a reservation that Western Kazakhstan is primarily three regions of the country - Atyrau, West Kazakhstan and Mangystau, concentrated, as you might guess, in the western part of the republic. Some researchers also include the Aktobe region among the western regions, but it is rather a transit region in relation to the region.
The region has a unique mineral resource base - hydrocarbon raw materials (oil, gas and gas condensate), reserves of chromium, nickel, titanium, phosphorites, zinc, copper, aluminum and coal.
The Atyrau Oil Refinery is increasing its capacities for the production of gasoline of various grades, diesel fuel and other types of products. The region is developing machine building, metalworking, light and food industries, as well as agriculture (livestock breeding, crop production, meat and dairy, bakery, fish processing industry).
There is the largest port in the Caspian Sea - Aktau International Sea Trade Port, as well as a network of river and sea ports - Atyrau, Bautino, Kuryk. There is a network of railways and roads, international airports (Atyrau, Aktau, Uralsk), a developed network of oil and gas pipelines of Kaztransoil JSC, Kaztransgaz JSC, the Caspian Pipeline Consortium, as well as power lines of the Unified Energy System of Kazakhstan. Power plants operate everywhere - MAEK (the former Mangyshlak nuclear power plant), gas turbine power plants, thermal power plants.
In terms of the share of the gross regional product, the regions of the region occupy a very high position in all economic ratings:
Atyrau region: 1969.9 billion tenge
West Kazakhstan region: 833 billion tenge
Mangystau region: 1108.5 billion tenge
In turn, the region cannot boast of high demographic density.
Atyrau region: 513,400 people
West Kazakhstan region: 624,300 people
Mangystau region: 446,300 people
Looking ahead, we note that these data are of considerable importance for this study, since they characterize one of the aspects of the high conflict potential of the region: significant distortions in budget policy. For clarity, we will give data on the most densely populated region: South Kazakhstan, which demonstrates a relatively low level of GRP (925.5 billion tenge) with a population of 2,429,100 people. This means that it is the west of Kazakhstan that demonstrates a rather high efficiency index.
It consists of several parameters. The first and most important parameter is oil. The vast majority of the country's oil and gas fields and some of the country's uranium deposits are concentrated on the territory of the region and on the Kazakh shelf of the Caspian Sea. In particular, out of 102 oil and gas and hydrocarbon fields of strategic importance for the republic, only 17 lie outside the above three regions. Thus, the main hydrocarbon reserves of the country are concentrated in this region. Accordingly, if we also take into account the forecast indicators, in the aggregate the above-mentioned regions control about 70% of the hydrocarbon reserves of the Republic of Kazakhstan.
The Atyrau region has the most explored oil reserves, on the territory of which more than 75 fields have been discovered with reserves of industrial categories of 930 million tons. The largest field in the region is Tengiz (initial recoverable reserves - 781.1 million tons.)
More than 70 fields have been discovered on the territory of the Mangistau region with recoverable reserves of industrial grade oil of 725 million tons, condensate - 5.6 million tons. Less than half of the deposits are in operation. Most of them are in the late stages of development. The vast majority of residual reserves are classified as hard-to-recover. The largest deposits are Uzen, Zhetybay, Kalamkas, Karazhanbas.
Over 15 hydrocarbon deposits are located on the territory of the West Kazakhstan region. The undisputed leader among them is the Karachaganak oil and gas condensate field with recoverable reserves of liquid hydrocarbons of about 320 million tons and gas of more than 450 billion cubic meters. In September 2005, a hydrocarbon discovery was announced at the Fedorovsky block adjacent to Karachaganak; reserves of oil and gas condensate are estimated at 200 million tons.
The above features of the region make it the leader in terms of industrial production in the country, which automatically means that western Kazakhstan is a budget-forming country that forms the main revenue of the republic.
At the same time, in terms of the main indicators of the socio-economic infrastructure, the region can hardly compete with many subsidized regions. For example, according to such an indicator as territorial accessibility, which includes the provision of roads, the regions of the region traditionally show average and low indicators. An equally important indicator of the social well-being of the population is the availability of cars in the region. Here, the west of Kazakhstan also demonstrates very low rates - in particular, the most oil-bearing Atyrau region, which also does not have the highest demographic index, is in last place in terms of the number of cars per capita.
1.4 Socio-economic problems of Zhanaozen reflected in the media
“A paradoxical situation has developed in the western regions of Kazakhstan. If you look at the statistics, these oil and gas producing areas produce most of the country's GDP, and the largest nominal and real incomes of the population are here. But in these same areas, researchers note the greatest radicalization of the population, and law enforcement agencies - a surge in the activity of organized criminal groups and religious extremists. The paradox is that the workers of the main branch of the region have been on strike for the past three years, despite the constant increase in wages. By now, the situation has come to a standstill: striking Kazakhstani workers in the Uzen and Karazhanbas fields are asking for more than Kazakhstan's 100% state-owned oil company, KMG EP JSC, can give. Added to the dissatisfaction with wages is anger at foreigners who are taking away the best profitable jobs from locals.
It is noteworthy in this context that journalists analyze the situation even before the tragic date of December 16, 2011. To one degree or another, the topic is also raised in other central media. However, approximately by the middle of summer 2011, the information field of the country was clearly divided into three parts. The opposition media close to the banker Mukhtar Ablyazov (the newspapers Respublika, Vzglyad, the Respublika portal, the video portal Stan.tv and the partner satellite TV company K+) have taken a tough and clear stance towards intensifying the confrontation with the authorities. Most publications close to government and other power circles hurried to take the exact opposite position. And only a few media outlets were seen trying to understand the situation more or less objectively.
2. Chronology of the conflict
2.1 Key events of the strike
According to the Kazakhstani mass media, the strike of the Karazhanbasmunai oil workers began on May 16, 2011, and on May 26, 2011 in the subdivisions of the Ozenmunaigas Pension Fund. A group of activists near the UOS-5 production site went on an indefinite hunger strike.
On May 27, the Zhanaozen city court takes the case into consideration and decides on the illegality of the strike.
This circumstance allowed the employer, the leadership of local state and law enforcement agencies to build relations with workers in an ultimatum form. For example, when on June 5, 2011, about 500 workers tried to hold a protest action demanding the release from arrest of lawyer Natalia Sokolova (who initiated the protest by pointing out that, in her opinion, the accrual of some regional and sectoral bonuses was incorrect), the police severely suppressed protest action. The next day, about 30 protesters appeared in court and were fined (under Art. 373 of the Code of Administrative Offenses).
On June 23, 2011, police officers stopped the action of the striking workers of ErsaiCaspianContractor LLP, and the next day, the action of a group of mothers and wives of the striking workers, who expressed their solidarity with the demands of the strikers.
On July 8, an OMON police officer near the territories of the Ozenmunaigaz enterprise, where at that moment there were about 200 people, tried to disperse the strikers using special equipment. Police were forced to halt their efforts to disperse the strike camp when hunger strikers doused themselves in gasoline and threatened to commit mass self-immolation. However, on the night of July 10, 2011, the police liquidated the camp of the strikers.
On July 13, 2011, the Aktau court sentenced Kuanysh Sisenbayev, leader of the striking workers at Karazhanbasmunai, to 200 hours of community service. He was accused of organizing a peaceful protest on June 5 (under Article 334 of the Criminal Code).
On August 8, 2011, the Aktau City Court convicted Natalia Sokolova, a trade union lawyer, for violating the procedure for organizing and holding meetings and for inciting social discord (under Articles 334 and 164 of the Criminal Code) and sentenced her to 6 years in prison.
On August 17, 2011, Akzhanat Aminov, the leader of the trade union of Ozenmunaigas workers, was sentenced to a year of suspended imprisonment with a two-year probationary period for violating the procedure for organizing or holding a meeting (under Article 334 of the Criminal Code).
On September 8, 2011, an activist of the striking Ozenmunaigaz oil workers, Natalia Azhigalieva, was detained.
2.2 Course of the conflict
“On December 16, 2011, in the city of Zhanaozen, Mangistau region, as a result of the criminal actions of a group of people, mass riots took place. In particular, the holding of festive events in the central square of the city was disrupted, yurts placed on the occasion of Independence Day and a portable stage were destroyed. The police officers were injured."
14 PERSONS DIE AS A RESULT OF MASS RIOTS IN ZHANAOZEN. THE BUILDINGS OF THE AKIMAT, HOTELS, THE ADMINISTRATIVE BUILDING OF OZENMUNAIGAZ, TOTAL 46 OBJECTS, WERE BURNED IN THE CITY.
“A group of hooligans began to beat the civilian population and smash cars parked near the square. In response to the demands of law enforcement agencies to stop illegal actions, a hooligan group attacked law enforcement officers in order to seize weapons. At the same time, they used firearms and cold weapons.
As a result of mass riots, the building of the city akimat (mayor's office), hotels, and the office building of the Ozenmunaigas company were burned down. The property of individuals and legal entities was also destroyed, cars were burned, ATMs were looted.
According to preliminary data, as a result of the riots, 10 people were killed, there are wounded, including police officers. On the facts of mass riots, criminal cases were initiated.
On behalf of the head of state, an investigative team headed by the Minister of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan K. Kasymov flew to the city of Zhanaozen to take all necessary measures to suppress criminal acts, identify and punish the organizers of the riots, and restore public safety in the city.
“14 people died and 86 were injured in the riots in Zhanaozen. Only recently information was received that during the inspection of the place of the incident, the body of a man who died during the looting and arson of the trading house "Sulpak" was found. A preliminary study and examination showed that the corpse had no visible bodily injuries, and, according to preliminary data, he died from his burns. According to the General Prosecutor's Office, as a result of the riots in Zhanaozen on December 16, 86 people were injured, six of them were policemen, four people are now in intensive care.”
In total, according to the General Prosecutor's Office of the Republic of Kazakhstan, as a result of mass riots, 46 objects were looted and set on fire, of which: 8 banking facilities (ATMs, banks), including the office of the People's Bank, the branch of Alliance Bank were looted; 20 stores (the Sulpak shopping center and the Atlant trading house were looted); 2 cafes; 1 notary office; 2 pawnshops; 2 akimats (mayor's offices) (city akimat and akimat of Tenge settlement); 1 photo studio; 2 police strongholds; hotel "Aru-Ana"; the building of the OzenmunaiGas company; 3 private houses; more than 20 cars were burned and damaged; the stage, yurts, musical equipment were destroyed.
“In an attempt to extinguish the fire and provide assistance to the victims, the crowd used fittings, edged weapons, and firearms. The crowd was insane. Many were in a state of intoxication,” said Talgat Musakanov, deputy head of the Department of Internal Affairs of the Mangistau region.
Timur Alkuatov, chief physician of the Zhanaozen ambulance station, said: “We were threatened. They wanted to smash the car or set it on fire. Barriers were erected everywhere on all streets. Cars couldn't get through. Therefore, after 12 o’clock we refused to serve them.”
“According to the latest data, as a result of the riots, 86 people were injured, 14 people died. Some of these people died as a result of the actions of offenders. So, the father of the deceased Dyusekenov Atabergen Khasanuly, born in 1987, who was a teacher of the vocational school in the city of Zhanaozen, turned to law enforcement agencies with a statement that his son was killed by hooligan elements on the city square on December 16 for taking his pupils to festive events.
“There are victims with shotgun wounds and bodily injuries not related to the use of weapons and special equipment. Since the law enforcement agencies did not use shotguns during the suppression of the riots, and also did not come into contact with the attackers, the possibility of causing harm to the health of the above nature by law enforcement forces is excluded.
Over the past 24 hours, an attempt to seize the building of the specialized administrative court of the city of Zhanaozen, as well as individual facts of looting and attacks on law enforcement officers, has been prevented. At the same time, the rumors about mass bloodshed are unfounded, they are clear misinformation and are spread for provocative purposes. Over the past 24 hours, not a single case of the use of firearms by law enforcement agencies has been allowed in the city of Zhanaozen.”
Astana hosted a meeting of the country's Security Council under the leadership of the President of Kazakhstan. A Decree was signed on the introduction of a state of emergency in Zhanaozen.
Statement of the President of Kazakhstan Nursultan Nazarbayev (abridged):
“I would like to note that the police clearly performed their duty and acted within their powers under the law. Each dead and injured has relatives and friends. I sincerely express my condolences. cases. At present, the situation is under the control of law enforcement agencies. The perpetrators will be punished to the fullest extent of the law. At the same time, I believe that the labor dispute of the oil workers should not be confused with the acts of bandit elements who wanted to take advantage of the situation for their criminal plans. We will reveal where it comes from funding, and who does it.
We will not allow any attempts to disturb the peace and tranquility in our home, to achieve our independence. Therefore, the public has no cause for concern. The situation is under control. Law is law. The requirements of the law are the same for everyone. The law will be enforced to ensure the safety and tranquility of the city's residents. The state will, to the fullest extent of the law, suppress any attempts to disturb the peace and security of our citizens.
I instruct the Prosecutor General's Office with other law enforcement agencies to thoroughly investigate what happened, ensure maximum openness of information, tell the people about the results, and, if necessary, involve independent experts.
I call on all Kazakhstanis to condemn this incident, alien to our country, and to remain calm. I call Zhanaozentsev to wisdom and tranquility. We will deal with all these issues. In order to restore the economy of the city of Zhanaozen, restore the burned facilities and, most importantly, to ensure the safety of citizens, I am issuing a Decree on the introduction of a state of emergency in the city of Zhanaozen in accordance with the Constitution and the Law on the state of emergency. It will be valid for 20 days from today. If before that we deal with all issues, calm is established, it can be canceled at any time.
“On December 17, 2011 at 13:24 (local time) at the Shetpe railway station, located in the Mangistau region, a group of people blocked the movement of passenger train No. 309 between Mangyshlak and Aktobe. There were over 300 passengers on the train. A group of people who blocked the movement made appeals in support of the rioters in the city of Zhanaozen.” The normal operation of transport was disrupted, 7 passenger and 3 freight trains were delayed.
Ignoring the explanations of the law given by the prosecutor's office, as well as the demands of the police and local executive bodies, the protesters refused to clear the railway tracks for train traffic. At about 20:00 local time, police officers took steps to clear the railway tracks and stop criminal activities.
However, about 50 hooligans offered active resistance to police officers, set fire to a diesel locomotive of a freight train, and threw bottles of flammable liquids at the carriages. Further, the hooligans continued their criminal actions on the territory of the Shetpe village, where they set fire to the New Year tree, smashed shop windows and vehicle windows with stones. Police officers who tried to stop the actions of criminals were attacked by hooligans who threw bottles with flammable liquid and stones at the police. Considering that the actions of hooligans really threatened the life and health of civilians and the police officers themselves, the police were forced to use weapons.”
“At about 20:00 local time, police officers took measures to free the railway tracks and suppress criminal acts. However, the hooligan group offered active resistance to the police officers, set fire to the diesel locomotive of a freight train, and threw bottles of flammable liquids on the carriages. At the same time, another 150-200 people arrived from the side of the village from the forecourt, who, taking the police officers in the ring, also began to throw stones and Molotov cocktails at them. Buses, on which police officers arrived to protect public order, were also attacked with bottles of flammable liquids and stones. In addition, a UAZ car without license plates drove up to the square several times, from which unknown persons fired at law enforcement officers with firearms. As a result of these attacks, 5 employees of the internal affairs bodies received various injuries and burns.
“At the same time, it should be emphasized that the shots were fired mainly in the air and on the legs of the hooligan group, 8 out of 12 victims on their part were injured precisely in the lower extremities. 5 people after receiving medical care were released home, 6 were hospitalized, 1 died.
After the hooligan elements were driven off the railway tracks near the railway station and the station square by the police, they continued their criminal actions on the territory of the village, as well as on the railway facilities outside the Shetpe station. So, in the village, they set fire to a New Year tree, began to smash shop windows and vehicle windows with stones.
“To date, 4 persons have been detained on suspicion of committing these crimes, interrogations and other urgent investigative actions are being carried out. Search and detention of all organizers and active participants of these crimes is carried out.
The situation in the village of Shetpe has stabilized, public order has been restored on the streets of this settlement and the movement of trains through the station of the same name. The General Prosecutor's Office of the Republic of Kazakhstan once again calls on the residents of the Mangistau region to observe law and order, not to succumb to disinformation spread by individuals for provocative purposes.”
3. Analysis of the causes of the conflict
3.1 Socio-economic background of the conflict
The authors of the report include the following socio-economic prerequisites for the conflict:
— Poor development of infrastructure links in the region
- Dependent mentality
- The habit of achieving the desired result by strikes, significant experience in the "successful" blackmail of the management of oil companies in the past
— Economic passivity of the local population
As we said earlier, by the time the conflict situation arose in the public opinion of the western region, there was already an idea that the distribution system was unfair, in which the needs of the three regions of the west of Kazakhstan, regardless of the efforts expended, are systematically ignored by the authorities of the republic. According to a number of important social indicators - the operational length of railways, the availability of air traffic, the availability of roads and cars - the Mangistau region under consideration traditionally occupies the bottom lines of the rating. Another important factor is the low water supply of the region. In Western Kazakhstan, the situation is the worst among all regions of the country - since 2005, there has been a steady decline in runoff. Last year, the runoff of the Urals, Sagiz, Wil and Emba amounted to about 10% of the long-term average.
According to the study “Self-identification of the inhabitants of the Mangistau region” (Strategy Foundation, 2007), a significant feature of the region is the closeness, isolation of the region, associated with the remoteness of the region from the center, as well as the lack of a developed system of transport communications: “one line is a dead end, so trains run Rarely enough, roads are also not of good enough quality.”
According to experts, this is the most sparsely populated region in the country. According to statistics, the Mangistau region accounts for less than 3% of the total population of the country, and the population density is about 2.1 people / 1 sq. km.
Another factor that left its mark on the mentality of the population of the region, according to experts, can be considered the history and special position of the region in the Soviet era.
Even then, the region attracted close attention of conflictologists. In particular, the events in Novy Uzen (the old name of the city of Zhanaozen) - inter-ethnic clashes on June 17-28, 1989 between groups of Kazakh youth and people from the Caucasus - were widely known. The riot combined elements of social discontent, youth hooliganism, anti-Soviet propaganda and inter-communal clashes directed against visitors. The exact number of dead is unknown (figures are given from 4 to 200 people). The archives of the uprising were partially destroyed, partially classified. The riot was suppressed by special forces, but almost the entire non-Kazakh population (about 25 thousand people) urgently left the city or was evacuated.
This historical fact underlines the conflict nature of the region. However, at the same time, the events clearly have a different historical context, and the events of 1989 are included in the study rather as a fact that clearly confirms the psychosomatic features of social relations in the region.
A more significant legacy of the Soviet era can be considered deeply rooted parasitic attitudes.
“People who lived here in Aktau, not even in the whole of Mangistau, they lived here in a kind of reserve. There were high salaries, they immediately gave apartments, there was an excellent supply, that is, everything was in the stores and they got used to it. The result was the formation of consumer-dependent inclinations.
“We had a paradoxical situation in Uzen about 4 years ago, when 80% of the population did not pay for utilities. Why? Because when there was the Soviet Union, the oilmen paid for everything.”
It is noteworthy that the feeling of a privileged position in the Soviet era gradually found a replacement and transformed into “inflated ambitions of the local population about the fact that they live in a rich region...” and the refusal of local people from low-paid jobs.
The result of such a worldview is widely known - with varying degrees of intensity, strikes in the region took place in 1989 and 1992, and since 2008 they have been going on almost continuously. At the same time, it is impossible to unambiguously blame only the management of the KazMunayGas Exploration Production oil company - by the time of the strike, the striking oil workers and drivers had the highest wages in the country. Their income exceeds the earnings of industrial workers in other regions of Kazakhstan - metallurgists, miners, not to mention public sector workers. The workers of OzenMunayGas have a much higher social package than other industrialists under quite comparable working conditions, including the degree of accidents. Moreover, it is very important that any next increase in salaries causes a chain reaction throughout Kazakhstan: focusing on the western region, other employees of the company begin to demand increases.
A serious factor contributing to the growth of the strike potential of the region was the fact that in the course of previous strikes, the management of companies always made significant concessions. Such a successful experience of "economic blackmail" made strikes regular. Since 2008, strikes have taken place every spring and autumn. However, in 2011 the demands of the strikers were not only legally unfounded, but also obviously unfeasible from the point of view of the financial condition of the enterprise. This determined the principled position of the company's management, which was also supported by local authorities.
By the time of the strike, the strikers' rates are as follows:
1. Production operator in the oil and gas production shop: 207.000 tenge per month (this is the minimum rate).
2. Driver of a motorcade of the 5th category: 278.000 - 306.000 tenge per month (1 USD = 150.25 KZT).
3. Repairman in the well repair shop: 239.000 - 326.000 tenge per month.
The amounts are indicated AFTER all taxes have been deducted and taking into account industry and regional coefficients. As we can see, wages are significantly higher than the average for the whole country. For illustration purposes only, in 2011 the average salary of state employees exceeded 84,116 tenge (approximately $560). At the same time, prices for basic goods and foodstuffs in the region do not differ too much from those across the country.
For the above reasons, we do not undertake to assert that the conflict was caused solely by the social factor. At the same time, it is obvious that there is a complex of socio-economic problems in the region, some of which cannot be solved in the near future.
But in this matter, the authors of the report believe, the notorious mentality of the local population, which considers itself a privileged part of society, to which the state is obliged to provide highly paid jobs, also played its negative role. The result of this attitude of the population of the region was the weak development of small and medium-sized businesses, whose representatives could provide the region with inexpensive essentials and food. Even the level of market development (according to an important indicator - the number of registered individual entrepreneurs in 2011 - the region ranked 15th out of 17) indicates that the population is stricken with parasitic sentiment, preferring to beat out wage increases instead of developing domestic production , trade and services.
Perhaps the situation was best described by the journalists of Expert Kazakhstan: “Everyone who is familiar with the situation understands that this is not a labor conflict, but rather a mental one. And in such confrontations, the rightness is proved not by documents, but by the willingness to sacrifice and the conviction that "our cause is just." The strikers reinforce their confidence in the correctness of the fact that for almost two months they have been sitting in the heat, and some are even starving. The leadership of KMG EP is the fact that they showed the public all the documents and were not even afraid to let the journalists go to talk with the strikers. In the battle of rightness and firmness, a draw did not take, and none of the parties knows what will happen next. In the meantime, we are witnessing a socio-cultural phenomenon that has developed under the influence of the unique Adai mentality, the hot desert, big oil money and the general discomfort of the region.
A strike for these people is a kind of test for collectivism: are you still ours or already theirs. These several hundred people sincerely believe that they are offering the first resistance to domestic corrupt officials and unscrupulous capitalists, as well as to the external dangerous and insidious enemy - the Chinese. An outside observer cannot fail to recognize that the behavior of the strikers and their demands are illogical. But is it logical that with the huge money that was pumped out by the state from Zhanaozen, there are no fountains and squares, pubs and good entertainment centers in the city where people could relax and unwind after work in the desert scorched by the sun?
3.2 Political background to the conflict
— Non-competitive and, as a result, inflexible political system, unable to promptly respond to challenges and risks
— Economic separatism of the local elite
— Uncontrolled migration
Before starting the analysis of the political factors of the conflict, I would like to fix an important point: the political system of Kazakhstan in some issues is very opaque. Accordingly, it is very difficult to rank and systematize discussions about the features of the Kazakhstani political process. For this reason, the theses of this section are not confirmed in public works, but are the observations of the authors of the report.
The main feature of the Kazakh model of interaction with the regions is an important resource, which is provided by regional authorities represented in the central government. If we take into account the importance of the region for the country's economy as a whole, then, accordingly, the representation of regional elites in the central government should have an appropriate value, otherwise the regional authorities will be pretty annoyed by the policy of the Center.
How many officials, with such a colossal economic involvement in the republican budget, does the west of the country give to the supreme power of Kazakhstan? The number of significant political and economic figures from the Mangistau region is relatively small.
1. Abish Kekilbaev - former state secretary, famous writer
2. Lyazzat Kiinov - Chairman of the Board and President of NC "KazMunayGas"
3. Baktybai Chelpekov - Deputy of the Senate
4. Zeynulla Alshymbaev - Deputy of the Mazhilis of the Parliament
5. Orak Kudaiberdy - Chairman of the Committee of Geology and Subsoil Use
6. Timur Bimagambetov - Deputy Chairman of the Board of NC "KazMunayGas"
7. Abzal Mendibaev - General Director of Ozenmunaigas JSC
Such an intra-elite bias led to the emergence of "separatist sentiments" in the ranks of the Western elites. For example, the conflict in Zhanaozen began with demands generally uncharacteristic of an economic strike. In particular, this was noted by the Russian news agency REGNUM. The agency offered to take a look at part of the strikers' initial demands:
1. Dismissal of the director of the PF "Ozenmunaigaz" K. Eshmanov.
2. Relocation of the office of Exploration Production JSC in Aktau.
3. Return of PF "Ozenmunaigaz" the status of a joint-stock company.
4. Nationalization of privatized enterprises that were previously part of the Ozenmunaigas structure: Burgylau LLP, KazGPZ LLP, Kruz LLP, Zhondeu LLP and others.
Pretty strange requirements for motorcade drivers? Much more like the requirements of local business authorities. It should also be noted the amazing selectivity of the rioters - only the house of K. Eshmanov was burned down, and the houses of other leaders of Ozenmunaigas - deputy directors, heads of departments, etc. remained untouched.
Moreover, the same article notes that “separatist unrest has always been there (in western Kazakhstan). And they are based on such arguments - the city of Astana takes money from other regions of the country. For example, 1 Astana resident receives 288,000 tenge of subsidies from the republican budget, and 52,000 tenge per inhabitant of Mangistau, and 49,000 tenge per resident of Almaty. At the same time, the budget of the city of Astana is 80% subsidized, and the Mangistau region is a donor region. The GRP of Mangistau is almost the same as the GRP of the South Kazakhstan region (South Kazakhstan region), but how many are in the power of the natives of Shymkent and how much of Aktau (there is a strong bias towards the southern regions of Kazakhstan - approx. IA REGNUM) "?
Another sign of an inflexible political system is the fact that the central authorities, and above all such a political body as the Presidential Administration, rather impassively observed the strike that lasted several months. In Astana, the point of view prevailed that the strike is a labor conflict, in connection with which only representatives of the Ministry of Labor and Social Protection of the Population and the Prosecutor General's Office came to the region with conciliatory purposes. Quite symptomatic is the recognition of President Nursultan Nazarbayev that he was incorrectly informed about what was happening in Zhanaozen.
According to rumors spread at the time, the former governor of the Mangistau region, Krymbek Kusherbaev, was not given the opportunity during the strike to prove the political motives of the protests and to bring his position and proposals to the head of state. As a result, K. Kusherbaev resigned, but was declared innocent of the incident. President N. Nazarbayev noted that Krymbek Kusherbayev was not to blame for what happened in Zhanaozen. This is true, since it was possible to cope with manifestations of local separatism only at the level of the supreme power of the republic, which, however, tried to distance itself from the conflict.
Perhaps in the future, information and facts will become available that will tell researchers about the role of the then leaders of the Government and the Presidential Administration, who ignored the signals and opinions of local executive and law enforcement agencies.
To some, the version that the inaction of the central government in relation to the Zhanaozen strike is the result of a struggle between various power groups and political intrigues will seem rather conspiratorial. But at the same time, it is a reliable fact that during the “debriefing” the regional and sectoral leadership turned out to be the most affected, that is, those people who made every effort to resolve the conflict, but did not have enough authority and resources for this.
Meanwhile, it was obvious that the local authorities and the leadership of the oil company, despite all efforts, could not achieve an end to the strike. The management of the oil company, as well as its shareholder, the state fund Samruk-Kazyna, as a whole took a tough and inflexible position, not yielding to the pressure of the workers and ignoring their demands. On the other hand, the initiators of the strike put forward demands that were beyond the authority of local and corporate structures, demanded negotiations with representatives of the republican authorities and even the personal intervention of the head of state.
It should be noted the obvious weakness of local representative bodies, which turned out to be unable to effectively respond to the situation and serve as a conductor of the interests of the state. The representative bodies of power did not make any significant contribution to resolving the situation at all. Local maslikhats, deputies of the Mazhilis and the Senate of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan, including those elected from the Mangistau region, were not perceived as strikers.
An equally important factor in the conflict should be considered uncontrolled migration and the factor of oralmans (lit. "returnees" - Kazakh language). Oralmans are ethnic Kazakh repatriates who migrate to Kazakhstan from neighboring countries (China, Mongolia, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan, etc.). In the period after independence, the total number of repatriates was about 750 thousand people, and if we take into account their descendants, as well as those who arrived without the help of the state resettlement program - more than 1 million people (10% of all Kazakhs of the republic).
It was the oralmans who repeatedly strengthened the dependency moods traditional for the local population. The result was the awareness by the authorities of shortcomings in the organizational and ideological support of the process of returning ethnic Kazakhs to their homeland. And if earlier the authorities did not pay attention to the structure of the settlement of migrants, now one of the key principles may be the principle of uniform settlement of repatriates.
In general, political reasons, to be objective, played a decisive role in shaping the pattern of behavior that the strikers adhered to. In particular, the irritation of the local elite was canalized among the oil workers, who subsequently reacted with anger to the “out-of-town” representatives of law enforcement agencies who were transferred to Zhanaozen to suppress the riots.
In turn, the degree of irritation of the local elite could well be reduced if the political model assumed a more effective recruitment of the elite, including taking into account the representation of all regions in the central authorities. The consequence of "separatist sentiments" was legal nihilism, expressed in the denial of laws, court decisions and refusal to obey the authorities.
3.3 External pressure, opposition actions
Considering the activities of "external", "third-party" participants in the conflict, it is necessary to take into account two aspects:
— Support for the strikers by human rights activists;
- The activities of the opposition, which was clearly interested in the escalation of the conflict.
One of the conclusions to be drawn from the results of the Zhanaozen conflict is that strong public and civil institutions have not yet been formed in Kazakhstan.
First of all, it is necessary to note the organizational weakness and insufficient authority of the trade unions. This institution is developing in Kazakhstan rather as a decorative one. The creation of a trade union "from below" did not contribute to the resolution of the conflict, on the one hand, due to the extremely low level of education and legal literacy of the workers, and on the other hand, the seizure of control over them by the political opposition. In such a situation, the leaders of the strikers did not look for an opportunity to reach a compromise, even when the authorities were ready to make concessions. On the contrary, they put forward new impracticable demands, which led the conflict to a dead end.
In general, until December 16-17, 2011, a number of journalists, including those who visited Zhanaozen, expressed the opinion that the actions of the strikers were orchestrated from abroad. However, there were no definite opinions on who is the “puppeteer” and “pulling the strings”.
Various hypotheses were put forward, which were not confirmed by the facts. Thus, there were suggestions that people with “excellent English” were involved in the strike, moreover, according to some sources, the riots in Zhanaozen were preceded by the arrival of a US embassy delegation and negotiations with the striking oil workers. It was argued that in the case of the riots in Zhanaozen, it was not at all about the oil workers, but the chaos was allegedly provoked by "an armed gang that came from the south." Users on the Internet who observed the situation noted that "there are a lot of visitors and emigrants in the city."
However, already at the stage of judicial considerations, confirmations of some information surfaced. In particular, the activity of two human rights organizations, Human Rights Watch and NDI, was recorded. Moreover, if in the case of HRW, it was about recordings of conversations on mobile phones, which is a rather indirect sign, since the phrases can be taken out of context, then the full NDI report on the participation of activists of a human rights organization in the Zhanaozen confrontation leaves no illusions about the goals of foreign "investors". However, according to the evidence, HRW also made a fairly significant contribution to the situation. Even the organization's Russian bureau took part in organizing the riots.
No less interesting is another fact: one of the organizers of the strike, lawyer Natalya Sokolova, had a connection with USAID in the past.
But one of the most important agents of influence turned out to be the MEP Paul Murphy, who carried out purposeful work first to form a model of the behavior of oil workers, providing foreign policy support to the strikers, and later, during the riots, contributed to the organization of misinforming the population:
Paul Murphy, MEP, Socialist Party of Ireland:
“According to the information that I have: 70 protesters were killed, 500 were injured. According to the International Workers' Committee, the execution of the protesters began at 11:40 am. The workers occupied part of the buildings in the city, some of the buildings were burned down. 1,500 marines and tanks were brought into Zhanaozen. At 12:30, oil production in the area was stopped. Tomorrow a rally of protesting workers will be held in the city of Aktau - in solidarity with the events in Zhanaozen. Now I am trying to arrange my trip to Zhanaozen. I just last week Skyped with the leaders of the Zhanaozen strike, and I don't know now if they are still alive. These terrible events should be covered as fully as possible, at least in foreign media, it is necessary to break through the information blockade.”
Oppositional support for the strikers was provided by a fugitive Kazakh banker, Mukhtar Ablyazov, and a pool of media belonging to him: the newspapers Respublika, Vzglyad, the video portal Stan.tv, and the TV company K+, which is closely associated with it. They called on workers to take to the streets, and also provided information to the population in the region, giving the impression of total information support for the strikers both at home and abroad. The most radical part of the opposition, financed by M. Ablyazov, purposefully sought to escalate and politicize the initially exclusively economic, labor dispute. He also managed to win over the youth radicals and the leftist organization Socialist Resistance.
The reaction of the American authorities to the trial of one of the organizers of the riots in Zhanaozen, the leader of the unregistered Alga party (financed by M. Ablyazov), Vladimir Kozlov, is very curious. Personally, US Deputy Secretary of State Robert Blake recently stated that the US is closely following Kozlov's case.
Summarizing the above, we can assume that the Kazakhstani opposition acted according to pre-prepared templates of social engineering specialists. However, it seems very difficult to prove the existing connection between the radical opposition and foreign agents of influence.
Rather, on the contrary, one can come to the conclusion that both sides acted autonomously, with the unity of goals, while maintaining some difference in strategic lines. But crucially, both provided the Zhanaozen oil workers with a false sense of the significance of the strike and international support. To a certain extent, these factors, together with many others listed above, became one of the catalysts for the situation on December 16-17, 2011.
Some Conclusions
I would like to emphasize several important details that follow from most of the theses of this study.
1. The problem of single-industry towns and mono-regions has not been resolved in Kazakhstan as a whole. This factor has largely determined the Zhanaozen conflict and may determine subsequent conflicts and incidents in this region, as well as in other regions with similar or identical characteristics. Almost a year later, the changes in these regions are minimal, which means that there is a latent discontent, which may increase over time.
2. The political system in Kazakhstan has limited capacity to resolve problems in Western Kazakhstan. The dissatisfaction of regional elites can be transformed into deeper forms of economic separatism. At the same time, the existing sectoral imbalance - the priority of the oil and other extractive industries over others - strengthens the demarcation between subsidized regions and "donors".
3. Budget policy is not balanced in Kazakhstan. There are significant regional disproportions, a significant part of the income is taken by the republican budget, the return of funds from which is not due to local interests. At the same time, spending budget funds under the control of state bodies is ineffective.
4. In Kazakhstan, the feedback between the authorities and society does not work effectively enough. The conflict in Zhanaozen demonstrated the low efficiency of all branches of government. Information sources are biased and for the most part perform the function of information combat units. As a result, the channels for delivering objective information to the central authorities are not able to fix risks, both latent and those that have passed into the active phase. At the same time, it is curious that the reverse channel for broadcasting state ideology and information policy is also not working effectively. The ideologemes of power are either partially rejected or reach society in a highly distorted form.
5. After 11 months after the Zhanaozen events, there are no grounds to assert that the causes that caused the conflict have been successfully and irrevocably overcome. On the contrary, there are strong prerequisites for maintaining social and political tension in the region. The restoration of the Ozenmunaigas production branch as an independent joint-stock company did not lead to a restoration of the level of oil production (which limits the company's social opportunities), an improvement in the quality of management and a decrease in the level of corruption. Decisive measures to overcome the demographic imbalance in the city were not taken. The programs adopted by the Government (for the development of Zhanaozen, for solving the problems of single-industry towns) are long-term in nature and do not relieve the accumulated tension.
6. In general, the Zhanaozen events showed that a significant amount of contradictions had accumulated among the Kazakh elites. At the same time, the competing camps do not have the task of maintaining the stability and sustainable development of the country among the priorities. The elites in power are interested in maintaining economic privileges, and in order to protect their interests they manipulate the legislative base and state institutions. At the same time, the opposition, alienated from the main economic assets, is capable of radical actions with the aim of a new redistribution of property.
7. To all that has been said, only one thing can be added: since the conflict took place in a relatively prosperous region in terms of the existing infrastructure (oil workers were regularly paid wages, social infrastructure facilities were working), the attention of authorities and researchers should be focused on cities with similar infrastructure. But at the same time, in Kazakhstan there are single-industry towns where the critical moment has already been passed - and it is associated with the depletion of resources in the city-forming enterprises.
Cities such as Temirtau and Dzhezkazgan have every chance to repeat the fate of Zhanaozen - and perhaps in a more dangerous format, since they are multinational. Therefore, even now the vast majority of state programs related to the socio-economic block, as well as the main elements of regional policy, require rethinking.
ECGA Expert Group: Anna Churdova (Czech Republic), prof. Bruno Drvesky (France), prof. Vladimir Kaller (Belgium), Mateusz Piskorski (Poland)