How Stalin managed to take all power into his own hands. How Stalin managed to take all power into his own hands The crushing defeat of Trotsky

Why did the party not heed the opinion of V. I. Lenin on the transfer of Stalin from the post of General Secretary? Could someone already in the 20s replace him in this post?

Without pretending to be comprehensive, we will try to outline some contours of the answer to this question, which is practically not elucidated in Soviet historical literature.

NEW SITUATION

THE BEGINNING of the 1920s was marked by turbulent events in the history of the RCP(b). The civil war has just ended, and the tasks of economic construction have again come to the fore in the activities of the Party. They had to be solved in the extremely difficult conditions of post-war devastation, the almost complete disorganization of the national economy, and the revival of anti-party groups in the RCP(b). In such circumstances, the party required restraint, firmness and decisiveness. Led by V. I. Lenin, the party demonstrated these qualities. The 10th Congress was a turning point in its activity. He approved the new economic policy put forward by Lenin, which replaced the surplus appraisal with a tax in kind. The New Economic Policy also meant the replacement of the command-volitional methods of "war communism" with predominantly economic levers in the management of the national economy. The measures taken contributed to the revival of the economic life of the country, the creation of prerequisites for the development of initiative and creativity of the broad masses, and the deepening of inner-party democracy. However, the party faced a new test. Due to a serious illness, V. I. Lenin was forced to take a long vacation from December 1921 to October 1922. Of course, he did not completely retire from political activity, but his participation in the leadership of the party and the state was limited. The situation became even more complicated when, after a brief return to active work, Lenin was again forced to go on vacation from December 16, 1922, from which he never returned.

"TROIKA"

In order to at least partly make up for the absence of Lenin, it was important to maintain cohesion within the Central Committee and especially in its Politburo. In addition to Lenin, the PB included I. V. Stalin, L. B. Kamenev, L. D. Trotsky, then in March 1921, G. E. Zinoviev became a member of the Politburo. From April 1922 A. I. Rykov and M. P. Tomsky were added to them. The seventh member of the Politburo, though already after the death of Lenin (June 2, 1924), was elected N. I. Bukharin (a candidate member of the PB since 1919).

It was natural to assume that the Politburo was to exercise leadership on the basis of the unity of action of all its members, with strict observance of the principle of collectivity in work. In the political report of the Central Committee of the RCP(b) to the Twelfth Party Congress (April 1923), which was delivered by Zinoviev, it was said: "We will have to replace Vladimir Ilyich's instructions with collective work."

Speaking of "collective work," Zinoviev was not entirely sincere. He had in mind the work of far from the entire Central Committee, but above all of its certain part - the so-called core. Later, already at the XIV Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (1925), outlining a brief history of the formation of this core, Zinoviev noted: “I’ll start with the XII Congress ... Vladimir Ilyich was ill ... we had to hold the first congress without him. You You know that there was talk about a nucleus that had formed in the Central Committee of our Party, that the Twelfth Congress tacitly agreed that this nucleus would lead our Party, of course, with the full support of the entire Central Committee, until Ilyich stood up.

Zinoviev kept silent in this case too. He kept silent about who was personally part of the core. Stalin did it for him at the 12th Congress. Among the core, he named three "veterans" according to the length of their stay in the Politburo - Stalin, Kamenev and Zinoviev.

It was between them since 1917 that not only party friendship, but also personal friendship existed. Stalin and Kamenev were together in exile in Turukhansk, returned from there together after February 1917, and for a long time stood on common positions, to which Zinoviev was also close. It is no coincidence that in October 1917, with the participation of Stalin, Lenin's demand for the expulsion from the party of Zinoviev and Kamenev, who opposed the course of an armed uprising and betrayed the plans of the Bolsheviks to the Provisional Government, was not carried out. At least twice more (in the spring of 1919, during the offensive of the Olonets Volunteer Army on Petrograd and after the Kronstadt rebellion in 1921), Stalin helped Zinoviev, who headed the Petrograd Soviet. Finally, all three were connected by another thread - the fight against a common enemy, especially impatiently rushing to the first roles in the party and state - Trotsky.

Having headed the Politburo, the "troika" not only tried to assume the function of the main leading center, but actually took a line to prevent other members of the Politburo from gaining real power.

Each member of the "troika" had its own, well-defined functions and responsibilities. Zinoviev was the main speaker. He delivered political reports of the Central Committee at the XII and XIII Party Congresses and other party forums. During Lenin's lifetime, Kamenev constantly presided over meetings of the Politburo. "... Chairmanship, control over the correctness of the wording ... - Lenin noted, - Comrade Kamenev is more suitable." Kamenev retained this role even after Lenin's death. "... Policy is determined by our Politburo ... after the death of Lenin, Kamenev always presides, constantly," K. E. Voroshilov shared his observations at the XIV Congress of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. - All formulations of questions, all decisions pass through his mouth, he formulates, and the secretary comrade Glasser writes down. In addition to presiding over, Kamenev considered himself "a person who was entrusted with the general management of our economy."

Stalin, having become the General Secretary of the Central Committee, focused on apparatus work. "... Comrade Stalin," the same Voroshilov testified, "is in the hands of the apparatus, and he can act with it, move it ..." Stalin took on another, no less important political function - the selection and placement of leaders and local party cadres. Moreover, the principles of such selection were formulated by him at the XII Congress of the RCP (b). In the report of the Central Committee on organizational work, which Stalin spoke at the congress, it was noted: “They talk about squabbles and friction in the provinces. I must say that squabbles and friction, in addition to negative sides, also have good sides. within itself is a soldered core, a cohesive core that can lead as one (emphasized by us. - Auth.) This goal, this aspiration is healthy and legitimate ... ".

A very remarkable statement. It testified that Stalin supported the "controversial practice" of leading the provincial committee, demonstrated, in particular, by Zinoviev in Petrograd in the autumn of 1921, when a sharp conflict arose between his group and the majority of the provincial committee. Its essence was the dissatisfaction of the majority with the bureaucratic style of leadership of Zinoviev and his entourage, their unwillingness to reckon with the opinion of other communists. The conflict was actually resolved in favor of the Zinoviev group. Moreover, one of the members of the Central Committee commission dealing with this "squabble" started by Zinoviev was Stalin. And then Kamenev also entered the second commission of the Central Committee.

Now, in 1923, Stalin went even further: “There is no need to prove that if there were no such leading groups in the provincial committees, if everything were put together so that the “good” and “bad” would balance each other, there would be no leadership in there would be no province ... ".

This was already an open polemic with Lenin's speech at the 11th Party Congress, where it was precisely the need to create conditions for friendly joint work on the basis of the distribution of party cadres, taking into account precisely their personal qualities or, in Lenin's expression, "their nature." "... The Central Committee must see to it that nature is manifested with benefit," said Lenin. anything without a dispute? Not done."

The gradual replacement of the Leninist methods of working with cadres by the methods of "refreshing" them, proposed by the Troika, was also carried out at the level of the central organs. “We have,” Stalin said at the Twelfth Congress, “27 members of the Central Committee, the Central Committee meets once every 2 months. Inside the Central Committee there is a core of 10 to 15 people who have become so skilled in directing the political and economic work of our bodies that they risk becoming in a kind of priests in leadership. This may be good, but it also has a very dangerous side: these comrades, having gained great experience in leadership, can become infected with conceit, withdraw into themselves and tear themselves away from work among the masses. Hence the conclusion followed: "The core is old. A change is needed."

Many other party leaders were also convinced that a change was needed. But how to make this change, on what principles, taking into account what specific persons - this problem required a thorough collective analysis and discussion. The members of the "troika" were not in the mood for such a conversation.

N. VASETSKY, Doctor of Historical Sciences

To be continued.

At first, however, this ban on factions did not prevent the creation of several groupings in the party. Even before Lenin's death (January 1924), conflict had broken out over certain aspects of party politics. The figure of Leon Trotsky, who organized and led the Red Army, caused concern. Many believed that he could become the Napoleon of the Russian Revolution and seize power in the party and in the Soviet state. This forced Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev to oppose Trotsky, forming a "triumvirate". In 1917, Stalin became People's Commissar for Nationalities in the new Soviet government; in 1922 he was elected General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party - initially not a very important post, which later became the most significant position in the party and in the entire Soviet state. Zinoviev and Kamenev were close associates of Lenin, both before and after the revolution were members of the Politburo, the highest party body. They also headed the largest party organizations in the country, Kamenev in Moscow, Zinoviev in Leningrad, as Petrograd began to be called after Lenin's death.

After the political defeat of Trotsky in 1924, the triumvirate fell apart, and a bitter conflict broke out over economic policy and the Stalinist concept of building "socialism in one country." Until then, the Bolsheviks believed that the victory of the world revolution must be an indispensable condition for building socialism in Soviet Russia. Zinoviev and Kamenev now led the opposition in the Politburo, whose most influential leaders were Stalin and Nikolai Bukharin. The center of the opposition was Leningrad, in which Zinoviev led the city party organization. At the XIV Congress in December 1925, the opposition was defeated. The top party leadership organized a campaign against Zinoviev, who soon had to leave his post. He was replaced by Sergei Kirov.

After the defeat of Zinoviev and Kamenev, a new opposition quickly arose, which included representatives of the former opposition groups, including Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamenev. But deep contradictions in views greatly hampered the formation of a united opposition. The group known as the "United Opposition" also failed. During 1926-1927. its most prominent representatives lost all significant party and state posts. In November 1927, Trotsky and Zinoviev were expelled from the party, and in December of the same year, at the XV Congress of the CPSU (b), the same fate befell Kamenev and many other supporters of the opposition.

Zinoviev, Kamenev and several other people expelled from the party were soon reinstated in it, but only after they promised to refrain from opposition activities and obey the decisions of the party's Central Committee. However, Trotsky and most of his supporters refused to comply. Trotsky was exiled in 1928 to the capital of Kazakhstan, Alma-Ata, and a year later he was expelled from the Soviet Union.

(Guys! It was hard to delve into when I don’t know the background. Perhaps the question is described in too much detail)

IN AND. Lenin died on January 21, 1924. Dying, he did not leave a successor, but in his Political Testament he gave a description of his entourage. From it we can conclude that none of his closest associates was suitable for the role of successor.

The struggle for "Lenin's legacy" began during the life of the leader. It reflected the further crisis of orthodox (Steadily adhering to the foundations of some kind of doctrine, worldview) Bolshevism. The Bolsheviks in their own country, and in the international arena, did everything possible to "push" the world revolution, but it did not take place, as they imagined it to be. The question arose about the possibility of the regime's existence. This led to a struggle among the leaders for power in the party. Even during the life of Lenin, a leading "troika" was formed in the person of Stalin, Kamenev, Zinoviev, which ran all affairs. She continued the traditions of "war communism", applied the practice of "appointment", which led to the separation of the "tops" of the party from the "bottom".

Trotsky was one of the first to draw attention to this.

In October 1923, he accused the Central Committee of establishing "dictatorship of the apparatus". He was supported by 46 former oppositionists from the period of the 10th Party Congress.

At the end of 1923 put forward a program "New Deal", the main idea of ​​which is the free discussion of acute issues by all members of the party. He proposed to "shake up" the party cadres, replenish them at the expense of grassroots party cells at enterprises and youth.

In the autumn of 1924, his work was published "Lessons of October"- in it, he very transparently alludes to the position of Kamenev and Zinoviev in October 1917, thereby trying to discredit the "troika".

Thus began the struggle against "Troktsizm". It proceeded under the slogan of preventing the replacement of "Leninism with Trocism." Trotsky was accused of striving to become a dictator, opposing one part of the party to another.

Results:

Troktsizm was crushed, its supporters were removed from their posts, Tr.

The course towards the development of inner-party democracy.

To strengthen the working core, 100 thousand "workers from the machine" were accepted into the party. Then this was repeated several times (the call of "peasants from the plow", "Lenin's week" ...) - hence the sharp growth of the party - by 1925. It had over 1 million people, and in 1930 - over 2 million people !!!

The new replenishment dissolved the old political elite. From now on, the struggle in the party was not against its leader, but against the party as a whole (as it is written in Thot's textbook!)

The question of NEP arose again. Where does it lead??

Bukharin - politics contributes to the construction of socialism, the "growing" of the kulak into socialism.

Zinoviev, Kamenev - they consider it impossible to build socialism in a single country, the fight against the kulak is a paramount task!

Hence the split of the leading "troika". Kam. and Zin. launched a campaign against the majority in the Politburo headed by Stalin. A "new opposition" has arisen. At the 14th Party Congress (1925), she was defeated. The party organization was purged, its new leader, S.M., was appointed. Kirov (remember - Kirov - metro station - Kirov Plant, there is still a monument to him), a loyal supporter of Stalin.

In the spring of 1926 - Trotsky, Kamenev, Zinoviev's rapprochement - "united opposition". It included mainly the "old party guard": Krupskaya (Lenin's wife), Preobrazhensky, Pyatakov. The main slogan "Against the Nepman, kulak and bureaucrat"

Attempts to speak openly are the resistance of the authorities. Then the opposition embarks on the path of illegal activity. The OGPU is involved in the fight against them. In the summer-autumn of 1926 TR., KAM., ZIN., withdrawn from the Politburo, ZIN. removed from the post of chairman of the Comintern.

November 7, 1927 - again an attempt to hold a counter-demonstration. Three of them were expelled from the party, then another 93 oppositionists, but KAM and ZIN wrote repentant statements and were reinstated, and in 1929 the TR was forcibly expelled from the USSR.

In the winter of 1927-28, the "grain procurement" crisis of the NEP. Bread is the main source of obtaining foreign currency, the plan for its collection was not fulfilled by half, it was decided to resort to "extraordinary measures" - to take bread from the peasants by force. General Secretary Stalin himself went to Siberia and acted in the spirit of the times of the Civil War - THE PLAN IS IMPLEMENTED!

The leading "troika" - Bukharin, Rykov, Tomsky (the "RIGHT" deviation in the party) opposed the emergency. They believed that the difficulties could be overcome by maintaining the NEP policy.

In April 1929, the Plenum of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks supported the Stalinist program - the rejection of the NEP. A “purge” was carried out in the party for belonging to the “right deviation” - 11% of party members were expelled.

That. Stalin became the winner, leader and leader of the party. Causes:

Personal ambitions, unscrupulousness, intrigue, support for the apparatus. (the political line pursued by him was supported by the majority of the communists).

Literature:

Thoth textbook, 2005 (red), Derevianko, 2006 (red)

A fierce struggle for power begins.

The years that determined the outcome of this struggle at its first decisive stage were the years of Lenin's illness. In 1922, Lenin suffered his first stroke, after which he could only partially recover and only occasionally could personally interfere in the work of the central organs of the party and government. After a second stroke in 1923, he was left half paralyzed. The third stroke in 1924 was fatal for Lenin. At that time, there were a sufficient number of people in the leadership of the Bolshevik Party who could compete with Stalin for power.

At the time of Lenin's death, I.V. Stalin was the leader of the Communist Party. Lenin defined his relationship with his work colleagues in the last period of his life with two remarks: “this cook cooks only spicy dishes”, “he will make a rotten compromise and deceive”.

Shortly after Lenin's death, his widow N. K. Krupskaya sent a package with his manuscripts, which were of political interest, to the Politburo. Among them was a letter from Lenin with remarks about a number of party leaders, but with one specific practical conclusion: Lenin insisted on the removal of Stalin from the post of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Party, since, as Lenin was convinced of this, he was a person who was not loyal to around and able to abuse the immense power that the position of general secretary gives him. Stalin seemed to Lenin dangerous for the development of the party.

The text of the testamentary letter was read by Kamenev. After a painful silence, Zinoviev spoke in defense of Stalin. Kamenev held him. Trotsky was scornfully silent.

After a heated political debate, Rykov was elected head of the Council of People's Commissars.

Thus, Stalin did not receive the main post in the state. But he tried to make his position the main one.

The gradual extermination of political rivals begins. Having expressed support for Stalin, Kamenev and Zinoviev will soon be shot. As for Trotsky, Stalin did not forgive him for that silence.

Industrialization

"Industrialization" means the process of transferring all sectors of the national economy to a machine basis, the transition from a traditional society to an industrial one. The Bolsheviks pinned their hopes on industrialization not only with the development of the national economy, but also with the successful construction of socialism in one single country.

At the end of the 1920s, two main points of view on the further development of the USSR were formed. The first of them is associated with the names of Bukharin, Rykov and Tomsky, who advocated the further development of cooperation, the reduction of taxes on agriculture, and the creation of a regulated market. The goal of this policy was to raise the standard of living of the population. A different point of view was expressed by Stalin, Kuibyshev and Molotov. They rejected the possibility of a uniform development of all spheres of the economy and proposed to accelerate the development of heavy industry, collectivization in the countryside and regulate the economy with the help of the bureaucratic apparatus. In this dispute, the majority of party members took the side of Stalin, which ultimately led to the strengthening of the party-economic bureaucracy and the final departure from the elements of a market economy.

By 1928 - 1932 is the development of the first five-year plan for the development of the country's economy. The national economy was transferred to central planning. The heads of the enterprises were responsible for the disruption of the plan.

During the years of the first five-year plan (1928 - 1933, the USSR turned from an agrarian-industrial country into an industrial-agrarian one. 1,500 enterprises were built. The first five-year plan was significantly overestimated, “based on the needs of the future.” It turned out to be underfulfilled in almost all indicators, but industry made a huge leap.New industries were created - automobile, tractor, etc. Industrial development achieved even greater success during the years of the second five-year plan (1933 - 1937.) At this time, the construction of new plants and factories continued, and the urban population sharply increased. At the same time, the proportion of manual labor was large, light industry did not receive proper development, and little attention was paid to the construction of housing and roads.

In terms of industrial output, the USSR came out on top in Europe and second in the world. The number of workers and engineering and technical intelligentsia increased sharply. This caused an upsurge of enthusiasm, which was masterfully supported by all the media.

Hero of Labor A. Stakhanov

People saw that life was developing rapidly and began to believe that the promised bright future would soon come. The government of the USSR mainly used non-material means of stimulating labor. Such as socialist competitions, orders, medals, mass agitation with the help of bright, colorful and understandable posters for the majority of the people.

GOELRO (abbreviated from the State Commission for the Electrification of Russia) is a body created on February 21, 1920 to develop a project for the electrification of Russia after the October Revolution of 1917. Electricity for that time in many areas was generally unknown, therefore it became a real miracle and more proof of the imminent onset of a "bright future". Even Lenin wrote "Communism is Soviet power plus the electrification of the whole country."

Funds for industrial development were taken, among other things, through compulsory loans, expanding the sale of vodka, exporting grain, oil, and timber abroad. The exploitation of the working class, other sections of the population, prisoners of the Gulag has reached an unprecedented level. At the cost of a huge effort, sacrifices, waste of natural resources and cultural heritage, the country entered the industrial path of development.

Collectivization

The failure of grain procurements in 1927 was due to the fact that the peasants did not want to hand over grain to the state at low prices. This resulted in difficulties with the supply of grain abroad, therefore, the state did not receive funds to pay for new technologies and new specialists from other countries necessary for industrialization.

As a result, in 1929 it was decided to organize "large-scale socialist agriculture" - collective and state farms.

November 7, 1929 - Stalin's article "The Year of the Great Change" appeared in the newspaper "PRAVDA", which spoke of "a fundamental change in the development of our agriculture from small and individual farming to large-scale and advanced collective farming." In December 1930 - Stalin announced the transition to the policy of "eliminating the kulaks as a class." Their lands, livestock, means of production were confiscated and transferred to local governments. Part of the kulaks were subject to deportation to remote parts of the country, while the rest were resettled outside the collective farms and state farms. However, there was no exact definition of who should be considered a fist, so everyone who did not want to join the collective farms fell under dispossession. Peasants resisted forced collectivization. A wave of uprisings swept across the country.

The main means of forcing peasants to unite in collective farms was the threat of "dispossession".

An important role in the final victory of the regime over the peasantry was played by the famine of 1932-1933. It was caused by the policy of the state, which seized all the grain from the village.

Collectivization dealt a severe blow to agricultural production; grain production and the number of domestic animals decreased. The implementation of collectivization was the most important stage in the final approval of the totalitarian regime. However, some part of the rural population benefited from collectivization. This concerned the poorest: they got something from the “kulak” property, they were first of all accepted into the party, they were trained combine and tractor drivers. During the years of the second five-year plan, the state increases the financing of agriculture, as a result of which there is some stabilization, an increase in production and an improvement in the situation of the peasants. But in a significant part of the collective farms, due to the lack of interest in work among the peasants, mismanagement and low discipline reigned.

By 1938, full collectivization was announced.

History test Mass repressions and the political system of the USSR. The cult of personality I.V. Stalin for 11th grade students with answers. The test contains 2 options, each with 10 tasks.

1 option

1. The resolution "On Unity in the Party", which forbade the creation of factions, was adopted

1) in 1917
2) in 1921
3) in 1929
4) in 1937

2. The main rival of I.V. Stalin in the struggle for leadership in the party after the death of V.I. Lenin was

1) L. Trotsky
2) L. Kamenev
3) S. Kirov
4) N. Bukharin

3. The post of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the RCP(b) was introduced

1) in 1917
2) in 1922
3) in 1924
4) in 1929

4. An active supporter of the concept of accelerated construction of socialism in a single country was

5. Note the feature of the political regime of the 1930s.

1) the formation of a cult of personality
2) democratization of Soviet society
3) delineation of powers of party and state bodies
4) expanding the powers of trade unions

6. The basis for the repression was the accusation

1) in forcing industrialization
2) in flight from the village to the city
3) in criticizing the actions of the country's leadership
4) in charitable activities

7. The General Directorate of Camps (GULAG) was created

1) in 1930
2) in 1935
3) in 1937
4) in 1940

8. Which of the following events happened in 1934?

1) the introduction of the death penalty from the age of 12
2) the murder of S. Kirov
3) Shakhty business
4) "the case of the military"

9. Guilty verdict in the 1930s in the USSR was made on the basis of a decision

1) jury trial
2) Special meeting at the NKVD of the USSR
3) revolutionary tribunal
4) Supreme Court

10. Which statement from the following characterizes the attitude of the authorities towards the families of the repressed?

1) family members are not responsible for the actions of repressed relatives
2) the children of the repressed were obliged to change their surname
3) family members were subject to trial on charges of sabotage
4) family members were deprived of constitutional rights

Option 2

1. In an appeal to all members of the CPSU (b) M.N. Ryutin criticized

1) I.I. Bukharin
2) Trotskyists
3) "enemies of the people"
4) I.V. Stalin

2. The 17th Party Congress (“Congress of the Winners”) took place

1) in 1934
2) in 1937
3) in 1939
4) in 1940

3. Which of the following is one of the main prerequisites for mass repressions in the USSR, which hit all segments of the population?

1) strengthening the opposition of society in relation to the authorities
2) expansion of the subversive activities of foreign intelligence services
3) lack of material resources for the accelerated construction of socialism
4) dissatisfaction of the party leadership with the pace of industrialization

4. The “Military Case” (“Tukhachevsky Case”), which affected the highest command staff of the army, as well as military scientists and designers, was “disclosed”

1) in 1934
2) in 1937
3) in 1939
4) in 1941

5. Which of these provisions was contained in the Constitution of 1936?

1) about the dictatorship of the proletariat
2) citizens who used hired labor were deprived of voting rights
3) the USSR is a union of autonomous national republics
4) The Communist Party has a leading role in society

6. The leaders of the NKVD in the 1930s. were

1) F. Dzerzhinsky, V. Kuibyshev, S. Kirov
2) N. Yezhov, G. Yagoda, L. Beria
3) K. Voroshilov, M. Kalinin, N. Bukharin
4) G. Chicherin, M. Litvinov, V. Molotov

7. Which of the following is a consequence of the "case of the military"?

1) reduction in the size of the Red Army
2) large-scale activities for the mechanization of the Red Army
3) pest arrest in the army
4) the destruction of the professional command staff of the Red Army

8. Which of the following is not a consequence of mass repressions in the USSR?

1) an increase in the number of workers working free of charge at construction sites for five-year plans
2) increased fear and suspicion in society
3) ruble depreciation
4) strengthening the positions of I.V. Stalin in the party

9. The concentration camp on Solovki was called

1) VASKHNIL
2) ELEPHANT
3) KARLAG
4) Dalstroy

10. The Soviet economy, created in the 1930s, was based on the principles

1) cooperative economy
2) centralization of management
3) self-supporting and self-financing
4) market economy under state control

Answers to the history test Mass repressions and the political system of the USSR. The cult of personality I.V. Stalin
1 option
1-2
2-1
3-2
4-2
5-1
6-3
7-1
8-2
9-2
10-4
Option 2
1-4
2-1
3-3
4-2
5-4
6-2
7-4
8-3
9-2
10-2