July uprising. July events July Revolution of 1917

10.07.2017. As we promised at the beginning of the year, we return to the topic of ideological confrontation associated with the 100th anniversary of the 1917 Revolution.

Exactly 100 years ago, the events commonly referred to as the “July Days” took place. We can already see what interpretation of these events was chosen by the official domestic “historical science” - the one that the entire post-war period was defended and planted by white emigrants: the July days are an “anarcho-Bolshevik adventure”, a failed attempt by the extreme left to seize power. This primitive propaganda point of view, even in the West and even in the conditions of the Cold War, was refused to be supported by really honest and really literate historians (even if they were in the minority), and even in the USSR, where tens of thousands of participants in the July events were alive, it generally no one took it seriously: there was simply no evidence base for this.

It is the absence of this evidence base that made the official media react so sluggishly to the 100th anniversary of the July days - in contrast to 1997, when there was just a wave of tabloid anti-Bolshevik publications (after all, it was in the July days that the legend of "German gold" and "German spy "Lenin!").

We understand that even now not everyone in the domestic historical workshop is ready to support and propagate the anti-Bolshevik legend about the July days. But we know exactly what interpretation of events will be imposed on students in the coming years.

Therefore, we publish materials that show with the utmost clarity that the July days were not at all an “anarcho-Bolshevik conspiracy”, but a spontaneous movement of the revolutionary masses (Petrograd workers, soldiers and sailors), clearly expressing their hatred of the Provisional Government and their naive confidence that street demonstrations alone are enough for the Provisional Government to cede power to the Soviets (then still by no means Bolshevik). Details about the events of July 1917 in Petrograd are described in the work of the Russian revolutionary, who stood at the origins of Soviet historical science, Vera Vladimirova July Days 1917 . As an appendix to it, we publish excerpts from the memoirs of the counter-revolutionaries about the July days. One of their leaders, Ivan Flerovsky, tells in detail about the role of the revolutionary Kronstadt sailors in the July events in his memoirs. July political lesson . And the picture of mass moods at the factories of Petrograd and its immediate environs is perfectly conveyed by the selection Petersburg workers about the July days .

We draw the readers' attention to the fact that the published materials very clearly and convexly show how easily and quickly the Provisional Government, so beloved by our liberals, resorted - at the slightest danger - to the help of the Black Hundred reaction and to its encouragement. This perfectly debunks the liberal myth of the Provisional Government and explains why it was the “democratic counter-revolution” that became the ancestor of the “White Terror” in the Civil War.

The fact that the uprising was being prepared (contrary to the assertions of many Soviet historians and Trotsky, who presented the July events as “spontaneous”) is confirmed by Pravda itself.

On Sunday, July 2, Pravda published a large announcement about a rally-concert for the soldiers of the 1st Machine Gun Regiment. Along with the opera artist Makrenko and the "front-line violinist" L. Gornstein, the best Bolshevik speakers were sent to the concert: Trotsky, Lunacharsky, Zinoviev , Kamenev. But even this number of luminaries seemed insufficient for the Sunday concert of machine gunners. On the theme of the "fight against the counter-revolution" were to speak Lashevich(future Trotsky's deputy for Revolutionary Military Council), Dashkevich (a future member of the Military Revolutionary Committee), Semashko, Zhilin, Dzevaltovsky and others. Presided over - who came from Yekaterinoslav G. Petrovsky .

The meaning of the rally-concert on the eve of the events of July 3-5 is quite obvious - the headquarters in the Kshesinskaya palace in almost full force personally participated in the preparations for the uprising of the shock part of the Bolsheviks. This Pravda announcement alone says quite clearly: all later statements by the Bolsheviks that they were not preparing an uprising can only be explained by the failure of the July putsch.

It is enough to look at the topics of the main speakers, “It is impossible to give up power,” Lunacharsky argued; “The regiment will lay down its lives only for the cause of the revolution, all power to the Soviets,” shouted Lashevich. "Speaking with special enthusiasm," L. Trotsky, as Pravda reports, calling for "an armed struggle against the counter-revolution," - finished, - "Damn patriotism!"

In his own way, Stalin also participated in the preparation of the uprising, as you know, he did not have oratorical talents. In the collection for his 50th birthday, when the "cult of Stalin" was already openly proclaimed, in order to emphasize his participation in the preparation of the uprising along with the "tribunes of the revolution", Demyan Bedny places an excerpt from his memoirs, which there is no reason not to trust.

“On the eve of the July speech in 1917,” says D. Bedny, “two of us were sitting in the editorial office of Pravda: Stalin and I. The phone crackles. Stalin is summoned by sailors, brothers from Kronstadt. The brothers put the question point-blank - they should go on a demonstration with rifles or without them. I don't take my eyes off Stalin, it's funny to me. Curiosity piques my curiosity: how will Stalin answer about rifles! By phone!

Stalin replied:

- Rifles? .. You know better, comrades!

It’s clear that all the brothers went to the demonstration with their “pencils”,” Demyan Bedny concludes his story.

The uprising of July 3rd was undoubtedly being prepared, and in some respects even better prepared than the uprising of October 25th. In October, the Bolsheviks did not have in the capital itself such a reliable and cohesive unit as the 1st Machine Gun Regiment. Then I had to rely on the sailors called from Kronstadt and Helsingfors, who, however, arrived in almost the same number in July. However, in the very challenge, in the case of elementary government countermeasures, there was a significant risk.

Why did the “armed demonstration” start on 3 July? This is quite understandable if we recall the preparations made by the Bolsheviks the day before, on Sunday. But still, from all the reactions of the headquarters in the Kshesinskaya palace, it is clear that the Bolsheviks sought to postpone the uprising for several days.

At the present time, one can only state the coincidence in time of the uprising in Petrograd with a large German counter-offensive at the front. The German command, of course, knew in advance about Russian June offensive and, in turn, prepared a strong counterattack. At the end of June, significant forces were transferred by the Germans from the Western Front to the Tarnopol direction. The German 8th Army aimed its attack at Riga.

The Russian offensive began on June 18 and, contrary to expectations, achieved significant success near Kalush. However, the main, decomposed mass of the army, having lost discipline, could not support the few shock units that had broken through the front. The offensive was stopped, despite the new successes of the Russian army on the Romanian front.

The German counterattack began on the night of July 5-6 (July 18-19, new style). It was widely conceived, but met with such resistance that the German high command, represented by Ludendorff recommended to his headquarters on the Eastern Front to stop the advancing troops, so that a deep invasion would not raise waves of patriotism in Russia. Ludendorff's order about this came in mid-July, when the Bolshevik putsch in the capital was already suppressed. But given the almost complete coincidence in time of the Bolshevik speech in Petrograd with the German offensive at the front, which preempted the latter by only two days, one cannot fail to recall the words of the German State Secretary Kühlmann that the "widely planned" German operations at the front "were supported by intense subversive activities from within." It is precisely in an effort to coordinate their putsch with the German offensive, the timing of which the Germans, of course, kept secret, that one should explain the attempts that took place until the evening of July 2, financed by the Germans, the Bolshevik Central Committee to slightly delay the time for the speech. Unlike the Central Committee, this tendency cannot be noted in the Voenka, which is less dedicated to the spheres of "high politics".

The uprising began in the 1st machine gun regiment. It is difficult to say what happened during the night between the rally-concert on July 2 and the morning of July 3. Apart from D. Bedny's account of the evening he spent with Stalin on July 2, very little data has been published so far. However, they are. The anniversary issue (No. 4) of the Red Archive for 1927 tells how in the 1st machine gun regiment, instead of the previous regimental committee, a Provisional Revolutionary Committee was elected, headed by a Bolshevik, ensign Semashko, one of the members of the Voenka . An important role in all the activities of this committee was played by Lashevich, a future member of the Revolutionary Military Council, a prominent participant in the "new" and "united" opposition in the twenties.

Of course, the 1st Machine Gun Regiment could not carry out the huge organizational work that was carried out by itself. At about 4 pm on July 3, delegations from the 1st machine gun regiment appeared almost simultaneously in the Moscow, Pavlovsky and Grenadier, in the 180th and 3rd rifle reserve regiments, at a number of factories on the Vyborg side, where the Red Guard was already organized, including such as "Lessner", "Parviainen", "Erikson", at the Putilov factory, and at 8 o'clock in the evening a large rally was held on Anchor Square in Kronstadt.

I. F. Petrov, on the basis of the archive of the Marx-Lenin Institute, published data on the work done by the Military Organization: to organize a committee in each battalion of the acting units to lead the battalion, to appoint a leader in each company; establish and maintain contact with the headquarters of the Military Organization; to check who and where sends part, etc. It is unlikely that all this could have been done after 12 o'clock at night, and Petrov, citing documents, does not give their dates anywhere. On the night of July 3-4, the headquarters of the Military Organization had already managed to bring a company of machine gunners into the Peter and Paul Fortress (where it ran into dissympathy from part of the garrison), put armored cars on the main approaches to the Kshesinskaya mansion and get a significant number of trucks from the driving school to transfer their parts.

Meanwhile, already at night, a huge crowd blocked the Tauride Palace, where the Central Executive Committee of the Soviet met and demanded that he take power into his own hands. The overwhelming majority of the Soviet did not at all share the views of the Bolsheviks and had no intention of overthrowing the Provisional Government. Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet Chkheidze argued from the entrance of the Tauride Palace that the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies, being freely elected, does not need an armed demonstration in order to take power. The endless meeting with members of the Council lasted almost all night. The majority could not understand why they were called to a demonstration - as if in order for the Soviet to take power into their own hands, and at the same time, the overwhelming majority of the deputies of the Soviet assert that no one interferes with this, and besides, this is essentially not need to. The slogan “All power to the Soviets” seemed tempting, and not everyone could figure out that behind this slogan, which was essentially undemocratic and contrary to basic legal principles, the party was hiding its claims to power, which in fact did not recognize the rule of law and democracy. The most important thing was that the representatives of the soviets Kerensky (a comrade of the chairman of the Petrograd soviet from the day it was founded), Chernov and others were already in the government and with the exit cadets from the government on July 2 actually headed it.

Let us recall that the soviets did not cover the majority of the population, and the election of deputies was based on an obviously unfair correlation, where different groups of the population, and not all of them, had different norms of representation.

Late at night the workers dispersed. The next day, the Bolshevik headquarters called for a new demonstration, but the workers no longer showed great pressure, a summer downpour in the evening influenced the demonstration to a much greater extent than government troops. The demonstration dissipated.

But the military side of the performance was much better organized. Several thousand Kronstadters who arrived with “pencils” made it possible for the “Voyenka” to send forces not only to the Tauride Palace, but also to the Mariinsky Palace, where the Provisional Government was then located, and to the main headquarters. Until noon, the Bolsheviks seemed to have the upper hand. The small number of government patrols could not stop the advance of the armed demonstration and detachments of troops moving under the leadership of the Military Organization.

By the second half of the day, the government, which had given authority to the commander of the Petrograd Military District, General Polovtsov to suppress the rebellion, began to act more vigorously. A hundred Cossacks in mounted formation attacked the trucks of machine gunners that had driven up to the main headquarters, and the soldiers fled, leaving the cars with machine guns. The junkers defended the Mariinsky Palace and made a bold sortie against the sailors from the Engineer's Castle. The horse artillery platoon of Lieutenant Rebinder, who arrived from Tsarskoye Selo, slipped to the Trinity Bridge and with several shots forced the troops of the Military Organization assembled on the embankment and near the Kshesinskaya palace to run up and hide. The plan to seize power began to break down. By evening, it became known that a consolidated detachment called from the front and sent by the Army Committee of the 5th Army to help the Provisional Government was expected in Petrograd. This news decided the matter. Between 7-8 pm, the members of the Central Committee and the Military Organization, headed by Lenin, who had already gathered in the Tauride Palace (“All power to the Soviets!”), Decided that “the performance should be stopped.”

The resolution of the Central Committee and the PC, adopted late in the evening of July 3, has not been published and is in the IMP. We quote from I.F. Petrov, “The July Events of 1917”. "Questions of History" No. 4, 1957, p. 31.

"July Days"

July days - anti-government unrest on July 3-5 (according to the new style on July 16-18) 1917 in Petrograd, organized by the Bolsheviks after the defeat at the front in June 1917 (see June offensive). The unrest took place under the slogan of the immediate resignation of the Provisional Government and negotiations with Germany on the conclusion of peace. The unrest was attended by Kronstadt sailors, soldiers of the 1st machine gun regiment, workers of Petrograd factories, whose armed action was supported by the Bolsheviks

The failure of the June offensive of the Russian army on the Southwestern Front, largely due to the demoralization of the troops in the conditions of the revolution, ended with the disbandment of the revolutionary military units, which caused criticism of the Provisional Government from the left and right forces.

On July 2 (15), 1917, members of the Constitutional Democratic Party (cadets) left the government, threatening representatives of the Socialist Revolutionary Party and the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party (RSDLP) to break the government coalition. Supporters of anarchy took advantage of the government crisis and agitated to oppose the authorities.

On July 3 (16), 1917, spontaneous anti-government demonstrations of soldiers, workers and sailors began in Petrograd. It all started with a rally of the 1st machine gun regiment, at which the anarchists called on the soldiers for an open armed uprising. The soldiers sent a delegation to Kronstadt, urging the sailors to arm themselves and move on Petrograd.

The Bolshevik Party (RSDLP (b)) considered the action premature. Members of the Central Committee spoke out against participating in the demonstration, and it was decided to publish the corresponding appeal in Pravda. The Bolsheviks had great influence on the soldiers and workers of Petrograd, but among the Kronstadt sailors the anarchists and their agitators were more popular.

The Bolshevik leaders were unable to hold back the onslaught of the masses, and on the night of July 4 (17) the party decided to lead the action. On the same day, a detachment of sailors from the Baltic Fleet, led by F. F. Raskolnikov, who arrived from Kronstadt, joined the demonstrations of workers and soldiers. The demonstration was held under the slogan "All power to the Soviets!". According to various estimates, the number of demonstrators reached 400-500 thousand people, of which 40-60 thousand were soldiers.

The demonstrators gathered at the Kshesinskaya mansion, where the headquarters of the Bolsheviks was located. Party leaders addressed them: Lenin, Lunacharsky, Sverdlov. They called for the "expulsion of the capitalist ministers from the government" and the transfer of power to the Soviets.

Anarchists simultaneously put forward the slogans "Down with the Provisional Government!" and "Anarchy and self-organization". Soon an armed crowd of many thousands moved to the Tauride Palace, where the All-Russian Central Executive Committee (VTsIK) met.

The All-Russian Central Executive Committee on the eve banned the demonstration, declaring it a "Bolshevik conspiracy."

The demonstrators surrounded the Tauride Palace. They allocated 5 delegates for negotiations with the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. The workers demanded that the All-Russian Central Executive Committee immediately take all power into their own hands, liquidating the Provisional Government. The leaders of the Mensheviks and Socialist-Revolutionaries promised to convene a new All-Russian Congress of Soviets in 2 weeks and, if there was no other way out, to transfer all power to him.

To protect the Tauride Palace, the Volynsky regiment and other detachments with a total number of 15-16 thousand military personnel were called from the front, and supporters of the Provisional Government went out to counter-demonstrations.

Thus, on the streets of the capital in those days there was a huge, uncontrollable crowd. The Bolsheviks, who sought to attract as many people as possible to the performance, themselves got bogged down in this crowd and were unable to competently coordinate its actions. The revolutionary sailors, among whom there were many criminal elements, quickly scattered around the city, robberies and violence began. A group of sailors and workers broke into the Tauride Palace, where they very impolitely arrested the Minister of Agriculture and the leader of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party V. Chernov. According to eyewitnesses, an unknown worker, raising his fist to the face of the minister, yelled: “Well, take power, if they give!” They refused to let Chernov go until the Council announced its decision to lead the country.

Trotsky managed to release Chernov with great difficulty, but the news of his arrest and the violence of the sailors in the Tauride Palace was perceived by the commander of the military district P.A. Polovtsov as a signal to action.

Polovtsov ordered the colonel of the cavalry artillery regiment Rebinder with two guns and a hundred Cossacks of the 1st Don Regiment to move towards the Tauride Palace. After a brief warning, or even without it, Rebinder was to open fire on the crowd.

Having reached the intersection of Shpalernaya with Liteyny Prospekt, Rebinder's group was fired upon from a machine gun mounted on Liteyny Bridge. The colonel ordered to return artillery fire. One shell exploded at the Peter and Paul Fortress, another dispersed the rally at the Mikhailovsky Artillery School, and the third hit the very middle of the machine gunners who surrounded the lagging first gun of the Rebinder detachment at that moment.

The crowd near Tauride, having heard close artillery fire, fled in a panic.

By the evening of 4 (17) July, troops loyal to the Provisional Government had established control over the city center. At night, most of the sailors returned to Kronstadt. Only a part of them, led by anarchists, settled in the Peter and Paul Fortress. A detachment was moved against them under the leadership of the deputy commander of the troops of the Petrograd military district, captain-revolutionary A. I. Kuzmin.

From the dawn of July 5 (18), the combined detachments of the Cavaliers of St. George and the junkers began to arrest the Bolshevik combat detachments.

Junkers occupied the editorial office and printing house of the Pravda newspaper, which Lenin had left just a few minutes earlier. Junkers searched the building, beating several employees, breaking furniture, and throwing freshly printed newspapers into the Moika.

On July 6 (19), the sailors of the Baltic Fleet, who had taken refuge in the Peter and Paul Fortress, were forced to surrender their weapons and go to Kronstadt, and the Bolsheviks were forced to leave the mansion of M.F. Kshesinskaya, occupied by them after the February Revolution and turned into party headquarters.

On the same day, troops called from the front began to arrive in Petrograd, and A.F. Kerensky himself arrived. The number of troops sent did not exceed the number of the agitated Petrograd garrison. However, with their help, all military units participating in the demonstration were disarmed, reorganized and sent to the front.

Results

The main result of the July events was the end of the so-called "dual power" (the period from March to July 1917).

After the failed coup, the Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik Soviets transferred all power to the hands of the Provisional Government, which organized a Special Investigation Commission to clarify the circumstances of the July mass demonstrations.

The Bolsheviks were forced to go underground. They were accused of espionage and national treason.

According to the order of the Provisional Government, the following were subject to arrest: Lenin, Lunacharsky, Zinoviev, Kollontai, Kozlovsky, Sumenson (Ganetsky's cousin Evgenia Mavrikievna Sumenson), Semashko, Parvus, Ganetsky, Raskolnikov, Roshal. On July 7, a search was carried out at the apartment of Lenin's sister Elizarova, where Krupskaya lived, a few days later an unsuccessful attempt was made to arrest Kamenev. In total, about 800 Bolsheviks were arrested. In the course of the events, a Cossack patrol killed the correspondent of Pravda Voinov I.A. on Shpalernaya Street.

Lenin and Zinoviev, as is known, hid in Razliv. F. F. Raskolnikov and Roshal were arrested in Kronstadt. Trotsky spent 40 days in Kresty, whom the grateful V. Chernov tried to save from arrest, but Trotsky himself demanded arrest out of solidarity with his comrades.

The Petrograd Soviet actually ignored Lenin's accusations of high treason, and the SR-Menshevik All-Russian Central Executive Committee called the Bolsheviks "misguided, but honest fighters." The Menshevik Dan declared that "today the Bolshevik Committee has been exposed, tomorrow the Soviet of Workers' Deputies will be taken under suspicion, and there the war against the revolution will be declared sacred."

In August, at the VI Congress of the RSDLP (b), after the failure of the July speech, Lenin removed the slogan "All power to the Soviets."

Stalin commented on this decision as follows: “We cannot count on a peaceful transfer of power into the hands of the working class by putting pressure on the Soviets. As Marxists, we must say: the point is not the institutions, but the policy of which class the institution is pursuing. Undoubtedly, we are for those Soviets where we have the majority. And we will try to create such Councils. We cannot hand over power to the Soviets, which are concluding an alliance with the counter-revolution.”

However, already in September, with the beginning of the active "Bolshevization of the Soviets", the slogan "All power to the Soviets" returned, and the Bolsheviks headed for an armed uprising.

The July crisis of 1917 was the result of deep political socio-economic and national contradictions that escalated in our country after the fall of the autocracy. The latter circumstance led to the fact that representatives of monarchist movements left the political arena, and a struggle for power unfolded in the government. The unsuccessful offensives of the Russian army at the front led to an aggravation of the situation, which contributed to new internal cataclysms.

Prerequisites

The July crisis of 1917 erupted as a result of the accumulated contradictions between various factions that fought for influence in the cabinet. Until June of that year, the leading position was occupied by which, however, quickly left the political arena. The Octobrists and Progressives could not stay at the helm. But despite this, the remaining groups continued to fight.

The primacy passed to the Social Revolutionaries, who supported and advocated an alliance with the Cadets. Another influential grouping was the Mensheviks, who were not a homogeneous force. However, they also advocated an alliance with the provisional government and with the bourgeoisie. Both parties were inclined to the need to fight the war to a victorious end. The reasons for the July crisis of 1917 are that there was no agreement at the top of the government regarding the future fate of the country and its continued participation in hostilities.

Bolshevik involvement

This party demanded the granting of power to the soviets. The Bolsheviks were the only force that opposed the Provisional Government and demanded that Russia withdraw from the war. They became especially active after Lenin's return to the country in April of the year under review.

A few months later, mass demonstrations took place in Petrograd under Bolshevik slogans. The demonstrators demanded the withdrawal of Russia from the war and the transfer of power to their local cells. The July crisis of 1917 began in the first days of the month. In response, the government ordered the execution of the protesters and also issued a warrant for the arrest of the Bolshevik leaders.

accusations

The party was accused of carrying out subversive work in the country with German money and of deliberately organizing an armed uprising against the official government.

There are two points of view on this problem among scientists. Some researchers believe that Lenin really enjoyed the support of Germany, which was interested in the military defeat of Russia. Other historians argue that there is no basis for such a conclusion.

In order for the reader to get at least some idea of ​​how and in what sequence events unfolded, we put brief information on this topic in a table.

However, there is a hypothesis that the July crisis of 1917 was a provocation of the government itself in order to have a reason to accuse the Bolsheviks of any Be that as it may, but the party went underground after these events.

Consequences

These events led to serious political changes in the country. At the end of the month a new one was formed, headed by the Socialist-Revolutionary Kerensky. Thus, the official authorities tried to reconcile the interests of various political groups.

The new leader tried to maneuver between the factions, but he never managed to achieve at least some kind of stability in the country. The July crisis of 1917, the results of which led the Bolsheviks to take a course on, became the reason for a new military uprising, which almost led to the fall of the government.

We are talking about the speech of General Kornilov. His rebellion was suppressed with the help of the Bolsheviks, whose positions were greatly strengthened after this incident, which made it easier for them to come to power in October of the said year.

Results

The July crisis of 1917 contributed greatly to the success of the coup. The table given in this review shows the main chronology of events. After the execution of the demonstrators, Lenin wrote a new work in which he announced that the peaceful stage of the revolution had come to an end. Thus, he substantiated the need for an armed overthrow of power. Another important result of the crisis was the elimination of dual power in the country. This was due to the Bolsheviks going underground. As before, one of the most pressing issues was the problem of the country's participation in the war.

Meaning

The July crisis of 1917 showed the weakness of the Provisional Government and its inability to solve the problems of the country's development. Subsequent events further strengthened the influence of the Bolsheviks, who easily seized power in just a few months. Therefore, the rebellion under consideration should be considered the penultimate in a series of crises that shook the supreme power in the summer of the mentioned year.

On the night of the fourth, there was a continuous meeting in the Tauride Palace the Central Committee, the Petersburg Committee, and the Military Organization under the Central Committee of the RSDLP (b), the Interdistrict Committee, the Bureau of the Working Section of the Petrograd Soviet. The Central Committee, through agitators and delegates, had contact with military units and factories. The question of the 4 July demonstration was discussed. From the reports from the districts it became clear that: “1) the workers and soldiers cannot be kept from demonstrating tomorrow; 2) the demonstrators will come out with weapons solely for the purpose of self-defense in order to create a real guarantee against provocative shots from Nevsky Prospekt ... ". The meeting, by an overwhelming majority of votes, decided to give the spontaneous movement a conscious and organized character. An appeal was adopted to the workers and soldiers of Petrograd calling for a peaceful, organized demonstration under the slogan "All power to the Soviets!".

On the night of July 4th. Peterhof. In the 3rd infantry reserve regiment, a meeting of representatives of the company and regimental committees of the regiment, 1st and 2nd battalions was held. The meeting discussed questions about the attitude to ongoing events, about strengthening the guards, about choosing delegates to be sent to the 1st machine gun regiment, about convening a meeting, about the connection of the regiment with all military organizations, about choosing the headquarters of the regiment, about organizing the protection of the regiment. On the first question, a resolution was adopted demanding the transfer of all power into the hands of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies. “This demand,” the resolution said, “is ready to be reinforced immediately by the 3rd Infantry Regiment with the force of its weapons in agreement with the entire Petrograd garrison.” The 3rd Infantry Regiment sent 1400-1500 people to Petrograd

In the morning, rumors spread around the city that provocateurs were preparing another slander against Lenin. It became known that the author of the dirty slander was Aleksinsky (a well-known slanderer, defensist, member of Plekhanov's Unity group). I.V. Stalin at a meeting of the Central Executive Committee protested against this slander and demanded that the Central Executive Committee take measures to suppress it. The chairman of the Central Executive Committee, Chkheidze, on his own behalf, as well as on behalf of Tsereteli, as a member of the Provisional Government, was forced to apply by telephone to all newspaper editorial offices with a proposal to refrain from publishing Aleksinsky's slander. All newspapers complied with this request, with the exception of the tabloid newspaper Zhivoe Slovo.

Kronstadt. About 10,000 armed Kronstadters had gathered on Anchor Square by 7 o'clock in the morning. The distribution of cartridges began, the distribution of those gathered among barges and tugboats. A rally was organized at which the Bolshevik S.G. Roshal and others. The speakers said that the purpose of the speech was to show their power and demand the transfer of power to the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. The Kronstadters went to Petrograd.

A grandiose demonstration took place in Petrograd, in which up to 500 thousand workers took part, soldiers and sailors. Regiments of the Petrograd garrison took to the street, and some units from Peterhof, Oranienbaum, Krasnoye Selo, Kronstadt also arrived. The demonstration was held under Bolshevik slogans. From different districts, columns of demonstrators headed for the Kshesinskaya Palace. When passing in front of the Kronstadt palace, V.I. made a speech from the balcony. Lenin. He conveyed greetings to the revolutionary Kronstadters on behalf of the Petrograd workers and expressed his confidence that the slogan "All power to the Soviets" must and will win. At the same time, Lenin called for "restraint, steadfastness and vigilance." At the Tauride Palace, the demonstrators, through their delegates, presented their demands to the Central Executive Committee and the Petrograd Soviet. Despite the peaceful nature of the demonstration, the cadets, Cossacks and officers fired on the demonstrators with rifles and machine guns. Shots were fired from windows and rooftops. They shot at workers and soldiers at the corner of Nevsky and Sadovaya, Nevsky and Liteiny, Nevsky and Vladimirsky. In the evening, there was a clash between soldiers and Cossacks at Liteiny. The total number of killed and wounded that day was 400 people. The counter-revolution went on the offensive. The Central Executive Committee took the path of open support for the bourgeoisie.

The Socialist-Revolutionary-Menshevik Central Executive Committee sent orders and instructions to the Mikhailovsky Manege of the Reserve Armored Automobile Division, to the Preobrazhensky Guards Regiment, to the Volynsky Guards Regiment, to the Armor Department of the 1st Reserve Automobile Company, to the Committee of the Reserve Battalion of the Guards of the Izmailovsky Regiment, to the Executive Committee of the Oranienbaum Rifle School, to the Arsenal, to the 2nd Machine Gun regiment and other units - to send soldiers, weapons and armored cars to protect the Tauride Palace from the demonstrators.

In the evening, at about 9 o'clock, the anarchists seized the printing house of Novoye Vremya. and declared that they would not allow the next issue of this newspaper to be printed. The typesetters printed an appeal to the anarchists, which the latter went to distribute, some of them remained to guard the printing house.

The CEC Bureau approved the decision of the Provisional Government about the unification of all actions to suppress the uprisings of the revolutionary workers and soldiers of Petrograd. The Central Executive Committee sent its representatives (two Social Revolutionaries) to help the government.

The Provisional Government issued a resolution on the unconditional prohibition of all armed demonstrations.

Military and Naval Minister A.F. Kerensky in connection with the events in Petrograd sent a telegram to G.E. Lvov with a demand to suppress revolutionary uprisings by armed force, to disarm military units and to bring to justice the participants in the uprisings.

Kerensky gave the order to the commander of the Petrograd Military District Major General Polovtsev to immediately suppress the performance of soldiers in Petrograd. Kerensky asked that the chief military prosecutor be given an order to immediately start an investigation into the events of July 3 in Petrograd and to bring to justice all those responsible.

The Provisional Government issued an order to the commander of the Petrograd Military District“clear Petrograd of armed people”, take away machine guns from the 1st machine gun regiment, arrest all participants in the revolutionary uprising, arrest the Bolsheviks occupying Kshesinskaya’s house, clear it and occupy it with troops.

General Polovtsev gave the order to the commander of the guards reserve artillery battalion about sending eight light guns to Petrograd on Palace Square under the cover of detachments of ensign schools.

Arrived in Petrograd summoned by the Provisional Government and the Central Executive Committee of the Council of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies to suppress the protests of workers and soldiers of the cadet of the military school of the Northern Front, soldiers of the 2nd machine gun regiment from Strelna, cadets of the Vladimir military school, soldiers of the 9th cavalry and 1st Cossack regiments, etc. The security of the district headquarters, the Winter Palace, ministries and other government institutions has been strengthened. A hundred Cossacks, a platoon of regular cavalry and a platoon of infantry were sent to each district to deal with the demonstrators.

Tiflis. On June 25, a rally of the entire Tiflis garrison took place. Bolshevik resolutions, posters, banners, Bolshevik slogans were unanimously adopted in all the stands. Against us are sheets of m-kov and socialist-revolutionaries. The soldiers tore them up and burned them. Complete victory for our platform; tell the military congress: we didn’t have time, we received the telegram with the invitation late. Please give a hundred rubles. Daria Iosipovich. Tiflis. Krotaradze.

(Sources: The Great October Socialist Revolution. Chronicle of events in 4 volumes; N. Avdeev. "Revolution of 1917. Chronicle of events"; Collection "Pravda No. 1-227, 1917, issue IV)

If you find an error, please highlight a piece of text and click Ctrl+Enter .